The Bruce
21 _Maii._ “The Scots first entered Ireland on May 26, 1315” (_die
Sancti Augustini Anglorum, mense Maii._ _Annals of Ireland_, p. 344).
The _Annals of Ulster_ fix his landing at the beginning of the year
(ii., p. 423); as do also _Annals of Loch Cé_ (i., p. 563). Edward
Bruce had a fleet of 300 ships (_Annals of Clonmacnoise_, p. 268).
25 _Philip the Mowbray._ _Cf._ _Bk._ XIII., line 544. Mowbray’s name
does not appear in the _Annals_ as accompanying Edward Bruce, nor that
of Soulis or Ramsay, but others are mentioned (p. 344). Mowbray is
mentioned later (_Annals, Fragment_, p. 299), and in _Knighton_, i., p.
411.
28 _Schir Johne Steward._ Brother of Sir Walter Steward. See _Bk._
XVIII. 33 (_Annals_, 344).
29 _Ouchtirhouss_, or Auchterhouse, is in the south of Forfarshire.
From the _Wallace_ we learn that this was Alexander Ramsay, son of Sir
John Ramsay Wallace’s friend.
“His sone was called the flour of courtlyness;
As witnes weill in to the schort tretty
Eftir the Bruce, quha redis in that story.”
(_The Wallace_, _Bk._ vii. 900-2.)
31 _Fergus de Ardrossane._ Ardrossan is on the coast of Ayr. Fergus
had at first joined Bruce, was captured, and procured his release by
going over to Edward II., from whom he in 1312 received the “barony of
Bisshoplande,” near Kirkintilloch (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 51, 227, 265).
Probably he reverted to Bruce after Bannockburn. He is among those
mentioned in the _Annals_ (p. 344). He received a fresh grant of the
lands of Ardrossan and others apparently in 1316 (_Reg. Mag. Sig._, pp.
10, 51).
33 _Wokingis Firth._ This name is evidently corrupt. Innes identifies
it with Larne Lough, and so also do Bain and Skeat, citing from Reeves
(_Eccles. History of Down and Connor_) forms such as Wolderfrith,
etc., and the present Olderfleet Castle on that Lough (_Bain_, iii.
xxxiv, note). In a letter of Edward II., 1311, we have “Wolrikesford,
near Knacfergus (Carrickfergus), in Ulster,” whence a fleet is to sail
against Robert Bruce (_Bain_, iii., No. 216). In 1327 King Robert is
to get corn from the Ulster men delivered at “Ulringfirth” (_ibid._,
922). The _Annals_ say, first, that the Scots put it at “Clondonne,” or
Glen Dun, in Antrim, south of Torr Head, the nearest point (eighteen
miles) to the Scottish coast, and, immediately after, that they entered
Ireland “near Cragfergus, in Ulster” (p. 344). Robert Bruce was at
“Glendouyne” when he executed the agreement mentioned above. Probably
the Scots touched at Glendun, and then coasted down to Larne Lough.
38 _sex thousand men._ Six thousand is the number in the _Annals_ (p.
344).
47 _Maundvell._ The Scots “drove out Sir Thomas de Maundevile and other
loyal men from their own land” (_Annals of Ireland_, p. 344). The
Bysets were descended from John Byset, who was banished from Scotland
by Alexander II., and who got land in Antrim under the de Burghs. The
Logans were large proprietors in the north of Ireland (Reeves’s _Down
and Connor_ in _Innes_), as also were the Savages (_ibid._). John Logan
and Sir Hugh Byset are the heroes of a great slaughter of the Scots
in Ulster on November 1, 1316 (_Annals, Fragment_, p. 298). Sir Hugh
afterwards joined the Scots (_Bain_, iii., No. 632).
80 _In that battale._ Near the river Bann (_Annals_, 344). “_tane or
slane._”--The Earl of Ulster, Richard de Burgh, was put to flight; his
son, William de Burgh, and John de Statona were captured, and many
English slain. The Scots were successful (_Annals_, pp. 344-5).
102 _the kyngis._ _Reguli_, petty kings or important chiefs, a usual
Gaelic equivalent. _Cf._ _Bk._ XVIII. 9 and note.
105 _Makfulchiane_ (C), _Makgullane_, _Makgoulchane_ (H). Jamieson says
Irish Macleans (MacGillian); Innes suggests MacCoolechan: “MacEthelan”
is among the chiefs in _Foedera_ (iii., p. 476). Most likely we have
to do with _O’Fuillchain_ in the form _MacFuillchain_, from which, by
_MacFhuillchain_, could also come _MacGuillchain_, as in H.
106 _Makartane_, _Makmartane_ (C), _Macarthane_ (H). “Macartan” was one
of “the septs of Ire, son of Miletus” (_Annals of Clonmacnoise_, p. 30).
113 _Endwillane._ Innes suggests “the Pass of Emerdullam” (1343), which
he identifies with Moiry Pass, where Moiry Castle is about a quarter
of a mile from Kilnsaggart, or Kilsaggart. Apparently this is Moiry
Castle, north of Dundalk.
133 _At Kilsaggart._ Kilnasaggart (“cell of the priest”), about a
quarter of a mile from Moiry Castle; for which see on _Bk._ XVI. 62.
135 _Dundawk._ Dundalk, within the English Pale. For spelling, _cf._ in
XI. 437 and _Appendix_ G.
138 _Richard of Clare._ Barbour has been censured by his editors,
following the cue of Lord Hailes (_Annals_, ii. 70, note), for the
prominence given to Richard de Clare in the opposition to the Scots.
True, as Hailes pointed out and reasons from, he was not the Justiciar
of Ireland, a post occupied at this time by Sir Edmund de Butler
(_Historic and Munic. Docts., Ireland_, p. 328); after November 23,
1316, by Roger de Mortimer (_Patent Rolls_); and so was not technically
“in all Irland luf-tenand.” Nevertheless it is perfectly certain that
Clare took the leading part, at this stage at least, in the defence
of English interests, and that Barbour’s statement to this extent
is justified. Thus, in a letter to Edward of February 15, 1316, it
is mentioned, with respect to the operations of the Scots, that the
writer, to protect the King’s honour, will take counsel with certain
lords and Richard de Clare, a reference which Bain (Index) interprets
to mean that Clare was in command in Ireland. The writer, too, thinks
it worth mentioning that Clare was not at the battle (of Arscoll).
Again, on May 16, Clare is pardoned an ancestral debt for his great
labour and cost repelling the disturbance stirred up in Ireland by
the Scottish enemies” (_Bain_, iii., Nos. 469, 488; _Patent Rolls_,
p. 459). And there is a further grant of same date to de Clare, “in
consideration of his great labours as above,” of certain privileges,
castles, and lands, “to hold during pleasure, and the continuance of
the disturbance by the Scots, in aid of his maintenance on the King’s
service” (_Patent Rolls_, p. 459).
142 _Erll of Kyldare._ The Geraldines, or Fitz-Geralds, had been Earls
of Kildare since 1294 (_Annals of Ireland_, p. 323 and Index).
143 _The Bremayne with the Wardune._ This pair appear in later
operations as “Richard de Birmingham” and “Robert de Verdon” (_Annals_,
p. 350). But on May 18, 1316, Nicholas de Verdun gets 200 marks for
losses sustained against the Scots (_Patent Rolls_).
145 _The Butler._ Edmund de Butler, Justiciary (_cf._ on 138).
146 _Moris le Fyss Thomas._ Maurice Fitz-Thomas, who married, in 1312,
the daughter of the Earl of Ulster, and afterwards (1329) was created
Earl of Desmond (_Annals_, p. 341).
172 _on the morn._ June 29, 1315 (_Annals_, p. 345).
188 _Half-deill ane dyner._ In the _Alexander_ Clarus says of the army
of Alexander:
“And thay ar anely till dynare
To our great hoste” (pp. 308-9).
224-6 “The Scots took the town, spoiled and burned, and slew all who
resisted” (_Annals_, 344).
252 _Kilross._ “(Cill-rois of Adamnan) is now Maghross, or
Carrickmacross” (_Innes_).
254 _Richard of Clare._ According to the _Annals_, Edmund de Butler (p.
345).
257 _A gret hoost._ “A great army”; and Richard de Burgh with “an
innumerable army” as well. They came together to the district of
Dundalk (p. 345).
270 _to ges._ Barbour usually “guesses” ten thousand to “a battle,” as
here and elsewhere.
280 _gadering of the cuntre._ _I.e._, “mere countrymen not skilled
soldiers.” This great army was raised from Munster, Leinster, and
Connaught (_Annals_, p. 345), and Edward Bruce’s description is no
doubt right.
289 _stedis trappit._ See note on _Bk._ XI. 130.
300 _fled scalit._ “They fled--how is unknown” (_Annals_, p. 345). The
date is _circa_ July 22, 1315.
313 _Judas Machabeus._ See note on _Bk._ I. 466.
329 _Odymsy._ “Fyn O’Dymsy” among those summoned to Bannockburn
(_Foedera_, iii. 476). O’Dempsy was “dux Reganorum,” or chief of the
_Ui’ Riagain_; Iregan in Queen’s County (_Annals_, p. 333). In the
_Annals of Clonmacnoise_ Bruce is taken north “by the procurement of
O’Neal and Ulstermen” (p. 269).
332 _To se his land._ _I.e._, in Leinster. He, of course, takes them
out of the way (_cf._ on 360).
337 _A gret revar._ Skeat holds that this is the Blackwater flowing
into the southern end of Lough Neagh, which was the boundary between
the English Pale and the independent country of the Tyrone O’Neils,
and was of old known as the Avon More, “the great river.” But this
is inconsistent with lines 369-371, where one of the rivers is the
northern Bann, “ane arme of se,” and Skeat’s ingenious explanation
of the latter phrase, taking sea = Lough, Beg or Neagh, is quite
superfluous. In fact, he is astray as to vital details, as witness what
is said on Thomas Dun (line 376). Barbour himself is unsatisfactorily
vague in his geographical matter, and none of the _Annals_ makes any
mention of the trick here descanted upon, nor of the intervention of
the pirate Thomas. But the main features can be found in the _Annals of
Clonmacnoise_, pp. 269-271, and _Annals of Loch Cé_, 265-7. The Scots
and the Ulster men (Antrim and Down) were at Innis Kaeyne (Innishkeen),
seven miles west of Dundalk. The English marched to Louth, just south
of them. The Scots retired through Ulster (Antrim and Down), not, as
Skeat suggests, by the west shore of Lough Neagh, until they came
to Coleraine, not far from the Bann estuary. Then they crossed the
river by the bridge, which they broke down so that the English who
followed them could not cross, and the Bann lay between the two armies.
Thereupon the English plundered on the Ulster side, apparently among
the sympathizers with the Scots, finally retreating to Connor (_cf._
lines 396, 460). In the interval must have occurred the attempted
drowning out of the Scots and the passage back over the river by means
of Thomas of Dun, who had sailed up the estuary of the Bann (line 371).
354 _The ysche of a louch._ “The outlet of a loch”; from the hurried
nature of the operation necessarily a small loch or a narrow outlet;
possibly, too, a loch since drained off. It cannot be Lough Beg, for
that would be too far away for Thomas Dun. On the other hand, they must
have been brought some distance up the west side of the Bann, for after
they had crossed it was still not known where they were (line 386),
and they soon got in touch with the English, who were ten miles from
Connor, to which they afterwards retreated (460).
360 _With mekill payne._ To add to the difficulties of this passage,
the misleading of the Scots seems to be claimed for the Lacys in the
case regarding them (see on line 8). The Lacys explain that on the
occasion on which they had a conference (_parliamentaverunt_) with
Edward Bruce they, by their cunning (_per eorum cautelam_), led Edward
Bruce with his army among the Irish who were felons to the King--that
is, apparently, the North Ulster men (see on 337). Among them Edward
Bruce marched for fourteen days, and lost a great number of men and
horses on the march towards Leinster, to which he could have come in
two days if he had been rightly directed (_Chartularies of St. Mary’s_,
I., p. 408). It is scarcely likely that Edward Bruce was twice tricked
in this way, and the Irishman, Dempsy or another, may have been the
agent of the Lacys. But to be able to follow the whole operation we
should require much more information than is available.
373 _Ullister._ Ulster in the ancient sense of Antrim and Down.
376 _Thomas of Dun._ Skeat compiles an hypothetical biography for
this “scummar of the se,” but Thomas was an uncomfortably well-known