The Essays or Counsels, Civil and Moral
noblemen and gentlemen, causeth a penury of military forces.
By all means it is to be procured, that the trunk of Nebuchadnezzar's
tree of monarchy, be great enough to bear the branches and the boughs;
that is, that the natural subjects of the crown or state, bear
a sufficient proportion to the stranger subjects, that they
govern. Therefore all states that are liberal of naturalization towards
strangers, are fit for empire. For to think that an handful of people
can, with the greatest courage and policy in the world, embrace too
large extent of dominion, it may hold for a time, but it will fail
suddenly. The Spartans were a nice people in point of naturalization;
whereby, while they kept their compass, they stood firm; but when they
did spread, and their boughs were becomen too great for their stem, they
became a windfall, upon the sudden. Never any state was in this point so
open to receive strangers into their body, as were the Romans. Therefore
it sorted with them accordingly; for they grew to the greatest monarchy.
Their manner was to grant naturalization (which they called jus
civitatis), and to grant it in the highest degree; that is, not only jus
commercii, jus connubii, jus haereditatis; but also jus suffragii, and
jus honorum. And this not to singular persons alone, but likewise to
whole families; yea to cities, and sometimes to nations. Add to this
their custom of plantation of colonies; whereby the Roman plant was
removed into the soil of other nations. And putting both constitutions
together, you will say that it was not the Romans that spread upon the
world, but it was the world that spread upon the Romans; and that was
the sure way of greatness. I have marvelled, sometimes, at Spain,
how they clasp and contain so large dominions, with so few natural
Spaniards; but sure the whole compass of Spain, is a very great body of
a tree; far above Rome and Sparta at the first. And besides, though they
have not had that usage, to naturalize liberally, yet they have that
which is next to it; that is, to employ, almost indifferently, all
nations in their militia of ordinary soldiers; yea, and sometimes
in their highest commands. Nay, it seemeth at this instant they are
sensible, of this want of natives; as by the Pragmatical Sanction, now
published, appeareth.
It is certain that sedentary, and within-door arts, and delicate
manufactures (that require rather the finger than the arm), have, in
their nature, a contrariety to a military disposition. And generally,
all warlike people are a little idle, and love danger better than
travail. Neither must they be too much broken of it, if they shall be
preserved in vigor. Therefore it was great advantage, in the ancient
states of Sparta, Athens, Rome, and others, that they had the use
of slaves, which commonly did rid those manufactures. But that is
abolished, in greatest part, by the Christian law. That which cometh
nearest to it, is to leave those arts chiefly to strangers (which, for
that purpose, are the more easily to be received), and to contain
the principal bulk of the vulgar natives, within those three
kinds,--tillers of the ground; free servants; and handicraftsmen of
strong and manly arts, as smiths, masons, carpenters, etc.; not
reckoning professed soldiers.
But above all, for empire and greatness, it importeth most, that a
nation do profess arms, as their principal honor, study, and occupation.
For the things which we formerly have spoken of, are but habilitations
towards arms; and what is habilitation without intention and act?
Romulus, after his death (as they report or feign), sent a present
to the Romans, that above all, they should intend arms; and then they
should prove the greatest empire of the world. The fabric of the state
of Sparta was wholly (though not wisely) framed and composed, to that
scope and end. The Persians and Macedonians had it for a flash. The
Gauls, Germans, Goths, Saxons, Normans, and others, had it for a time.
The Turks have it at this day, though in great declination. Of Christian
Europe, they that have it are, in effect, only the Spaniards. But it is
so plain, that every man profiteth in that, he most intendeth, that
it needeth not to be stood upon. It is enough to point at it; that no
nation which doth not directly profess arms, may look to have greatness
fall into their mouths. And on the other side, it is a most certain
oracle of time, that those states that continue long in that profession
(as the Romans and Turks principally have done) do wonders. And those
that have professed arms but for an age, have, notwithstanding, commonly
attained that greatness, in that age, which maintained them long after,
when their profession and exercise of arms hath grown to decay.
Incident to this point is, for a state to have those laws or customs,
which may reach forth unto them just occasions (as may be pretended)
of war. For there is that justice, imprinted in the nature of men, that
they enter not upon wars (whereof so many calamities do ensue) but upon
some, at the least specious, grounds and quarrels. The Turk hath at
hand, for cause of war, the propagation of his law or sect; a quarrel
that he may always command. The Romans, though they esteemed the
extending the limits of their empire, to be great honor to their
generals, when it was done, yet they never rested upon that alone, to
begin a war. First, therefore, let nations that pretend to greatness
have this; that they be sensible of wrongs, either upon borderers,
merchants, or politic ministers; and that they sit not too long upon
a provocation. Secondly, let them be prest, and ready to give aids
and succors, to their confederates; as it ever was with the Romans;
insomuch, as if the confederate had leagues defensive, with divers other
states, and, upon invasion offered, did implore their aids severally,
yet the Romans would ever be the foremost, and leave it to none other to
have the honor. As for the wars which were anciently made, on the behalf
of a kind of party, or tacit conformity of estate, I do not see how they
may be well justified: as when the Romans made a war, for the liberty of
Grecia; or when the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, made wars to set up
or pull down democracies and oligarchies; or when wars were made by
foreigners, under the pretence of justice or protection, to deliver the
subjects of others, from tyranny and oppression; and the like. Let it
suffice, that no estate expect to be great, that is not awake upon any
just occasion of arming.
No body can be healthful without exercise, neither natural body nor
politic; and certainly to a kingdom or estate, a just and honorable war,
is the true exercise. A civil war, indeed, is like the heat of a fever;
but a foreign war is like the heat of exercise, and serveth to keep the
body in health; for in a slothful peace, both courages will effeminate,
and manners corrupt. But howsoever it be for happiness, without all
question, for greatness, it maketh to be still for the most part in
arms; and the strength of a veteran army (though it be a chargeable
business) always on foot, is that which commonly giveth the law, or at
least the reputation, amongst all neighbor states; as may well be seen
in Spain, which hath had, in one part or other, a veteran army almost
continually, now by the space of six score years.
To be master of the sea, is an abridgment of a monarchy. Cicero, writing
to Atticus of Pompey his preparation against Caesar, saith, Consilium
Pompeii plane Themistocleum est; putat enim, qui mari potitur, eum rerum
potiri. And, without doubt, Pompey had tired out Caesar, if upon vain
confidence, he had not left that way. We see the great effects of
battles by sea. The battle of Actium, decided the empire of the world.
The battle of Lepanto, arrested the greatness of the Turk. There be many
examples, where sea-fights have been final to the war; but this is when
princes or states have set up their rest, upon the battles. But thus
much is certain, that he that commands the sea, is at great liberty, and
may take as much, and as little, of the war as he will. Whereas those
that be strongest by land, are many times nevertheless in great straits.
Surely, at this day, with us of Europe, the vantage of strength at sea
(which is one of the principal dowries of this kingdom of Great Britain)
is great; both because most of the kingdoms of Europe, are not merely
inland, but girt with the sea most part of their compass; and because
the wealth of both Indies seems in great part, but an accessory to the
command of the seas.
The wars of latter ages seem to be made in the dark, in respect of the
glory, and honor, which reflected upon men from the wars, in ancient
time. There be now, for martial encouragement, some degrees and orders
of chivalry; which nevertheless are conferred promiscuously, upon
soldiers and no soldiers; and some remembrance perhaps, upon the
scutcheon; and some hospitals for maimed soldiers; and such like
things. But in ancient times, the trophies erected upon the place of the
victory; the funeral laudatives and monuments for those that died in the
wars; the crowns and garlands personal; the style of emperor, which the
great kings of the world after borrowed; the triumphs of the generals,
upon their return; the great donatives and largesses, upon the
disbanding of the armies; were things able to inflame all men's
courages. But above all, that of the triumph, amongst the Romans, was
not pageants or gaudery, but one of the wisest and noblest institutions,
that ever was. For it contained three things: honor to the general;
riches to the treasury out of the spoils; and donatives to the army.
But that honor, perhaps were not fit for monarchies; except it be in the
person of the monarch himself, or his sons; as it came to pass in the
times of the Roman emperors, who did impropriate the actual triumphs to
themselves, and their sons, for such wars as they did achieve in person;
and left only, for wars achieved by subjects, some triumphal garments
and ensigns to the general.
To conclude: no man can by care taking (as the Scripture saith) add a
cubit to his stature, in this little model of a man's body; but in the
great frame of kingdoms and commonwealths, it is in the power of princes
or estates, to add amplitude and greatness to their kingdoms; for by
introducing such ordinances, constitutions, and customs, as we have now
touched, they may sow greatness to their posterity and succession. But
these things are commonly not observed, but left to take their chance.
Of Regiment Of Health
THERE is a wisdom in this; beyond the rules of physic: a man's own
observation, what he finds good of, and what he finds hurt of, is the
best physic to preserve health. But it is a safer conclusion to say,
This agreeth not well with me, therefore, I will not continue it; than
this, I find no offence of this, therefore I may use it. For strength of
nature in youth, passeth over many excesses, which are owing a man till
his age. Discern of the coming on of years, and think not to do the same
things still; for age will not be defied. Beware of sudden change, in
any great point of diet, and, if necessity enforce it, fit the rest to
it. For it is a secret both in nature and state, that it is safer
to change many things, than one. Examine thy customs of diet, sleep,
exercise, apparel, and the like; and try, in any thing thou shalt judge
hurtful, to discontinue it, by little and little; but so, as if thou
dost find any inconvenience by the change, thou come back to it again:
for it is hard to distinguish that which is generally held good and
wholesome, from that which is good particularly, and fit for thine own
body. To be free-minded and cheerfully disposed, at hours of meat, and