The Germany and the Agricola of Tacitus
rather to imply that it was necessary to justify himself for writing
it at all, by citing the examples of former distinguished writers of
biography, as he had done in the foregoing introduction. But why would
it have been unnecessary to apologize for writing the life of Agricola,
if the times in which he lived had not been so unfriendly to virtue?
Because then Agricola would have had opportunity to achieve victories
and honors, which would have demanded narration, but for which the
jealousy and cruelty of Domitian now gave no scope. This is the
explanation of Roth; and he supports it by reference to the fact,
that the achievements of Agricola in the conquest of Britain, though
doubtless just as Tacitus has described them, yet occupy so small
a space in general history, that they are not even mentioned by any
ancient historian except Dio Cassius; and he mentions them chiefly out
of regard to the discovery made by Agricola, for the first time, that
Britain was an island (Vid. R. Exc. 1.) This explanation answers all the
demands of grammar and logic; but as a matter of taste and feeling, I
cannot receive it. Such an apology for the unworthiness of his subject
at the commencement of the biography, ill accords with the tone of
dignified confidence which pervades the memoir. The best commentary I
have seen on the passage is that of Walther; and it would not, perhaps,
be giving more space to so mooted a question than the scholar requires,
to extract it entire:--"_Venia_," he says, "is here nothing else than
what we, in the language of modesty, call an apology, and has respect
to the very justification he has just offered in the foregoing exordium.
For Tacitus there appeals to the usage, not of remote antiquity only,
but of later times also, to justify his design of writing the biography
of a distinguished man. There would have been no need of such an apology
in other times. In other times, dispensing with all preamble, he would
have begun, as in c. 4, 'Cnaeus Julius Agricola,' &c., assured that no
one would question the propriety of his course. But now, after a long
and servile silence, when one begins again 'facta moresque posteris
tradere,' when he utters the first word where speech and almost
memory (c. 2) had so long been lost, when he stands forth as the first
vindicator of condemned virtue, he seems to venture on something so new,
so strange, so bold, that it may well require apology." In commenting
upon _cursaturus--tempora_, Walther adds: "If there is any boldness in
the author's use of words here, that very fact suits the connection,
that by the complexion of his language even, he might paint the audacity
'cursandi tam saeva et infesta virtutibus tempora'--of running over (as
in a race, for such is Walther's interpretation of _cursandi_) times
so cruel and so hostile to virtue. Not that those times could excite
in Tacitus any real personal fear, for they were past, and he could now
think what he pleased, and speak what he thought (Hist. i. 1). Still
he shudders at the recollection of those cruelties; and he treads with
trembling footstep, as it were, even the path lately obstructed by them.
He looks about him to see whether, even now, he may safely utter his
voice, and he timidly asks pardon for venturing to break the reigning
silence."--_Tyler_.
[3] A passage in Dio excellently illustrates the fact here referred
to: "He (Domitian) put to death Rusticus Arulenus, because he studied
philosophy, and had given Thrasea the appellation of holy; and Herennius
Senecio, because, although he lived many years after serving the office
of quaestor, he solicited no other post, and because he had written
the Life of Helvidius Priscus." (lxvii. p. 765.) With less accuracy,
Suetonius, in his Life of Domitian (s. 10), says: "He put to death
Junius Rusticus, because he had published the panegyrics of Paetus
Thrasea and Helvidius Priscus, and had styled them most holy persons;
and on this occasion he expelled all the philosophers from the city,
and from. Italy." Arulenus Rusticus was a Stoic; on which account he was
contumeliously called by M. Regulus "the ape of the Stoics, marked with
the Vitellian scar." (Pliny, Epist. i. 5.) Thrasea, who killed Nero, is
particularly recorded in the Annals, book xvi.
[4] The expulsion of the philosophers, mentioned in the passage above
quoted from Suetonius.
[5] This truly happy period began when, after the death of Domitian,
and the recision of his acts, the imperial authority devolved on Nerva,
whose virtues were emulated by the successive emperors, Trajan, Hadrian,
and both the Antonines.
[6] _Securitas publica_, "the public security," was a current expression
and wish, and was frequently inscribed on medals.
[7] The term of Domitian's reign.
[8] It appears that at this time Tacitus proposed to write not only the
books of his History and Annals, which contain the "memorial of past
servitude," but an account of the "present blessings" exemplified in the
occurrences under Nerva and Trajan.
[9] There were two Roman colonies of this name; one in Umbria, supposed
to be the place now called Friuli; the other in Narbonnensian Gaul, the
modern name of which is Frejus. This last was probably the birth-place
of Agricola.
[10] Of the procurators who were sent to the provinces, some had the
charge of the public revenue; others, not only of that, but of the
private revenue of the emperor. These were the imperial procurators. All
the offices relative to the finances were in the possession of the Roman
knights; of whom the imperial procurators were accounted noble. Hence
the equestrian nobility of which Tacitus speaks. In some of the lesser
provinces, the procurators had the civil jurisdiction, as well at the
administration of the revenue. This was the case in Judaea.
[11] Seneca bears a very honorable testimony to this person, "If," says
he, "we have occasion for an example of a great mind, let us cite that
of Julius Graecinus, an excellent person, whom Caius Caesar put to death
on this account alone, that he was a better man than could be suffered
under a tyrant." (De Benef. ii. 21.) His books concerning Vineyards are
commended by Columella and Pliny.
[12] Caligula.
[13] Marcus Silanus was the father of Claudia, the first wife of Caius.
According to the historians of that period, Caius was jealous of him,
and took every opportunity of mortifying him. Tacitus (Hist. iv. 48)
mentions that the emperor deprived him of the military command of the
troops in Africa in an insulting manner. Dion (lix.) states, that when,
from his age and rank, Silanus was usually asked his opinion first in
the senate, the emperor found a pretext for preventing this respect;
being paid to MS worth. Suetonius (iv. 23) records that the emperor one
day put to sea in a hasty manner, and commanded Silanus to follow him.
This, from fear of illness, he declined to do; upon which the emperor,
alleging that he stayed on shore in order to get possession of the
city in case any accident befell himself, compelled him to cut his own
throat. It would seem, from the present passage of Tacitus, that there
were some legal forms taken in the case of Silanus, and that Julius
Graecinus was ordered to be the accuser; and that that noble-minded
man, refusing to take part in proceedings so cruel and iniquitous, was
himself put to death.
[14] Of the part the Roman matrons took in the education of youth,
Tacitus has given an elegant and interesting account, in his Dialogue
concerning Oratory, c. 28.
[15] Now Marseilles. This was a colony of the Phocaeans; whence it
derived that Grecian politeness for which it was long famous.
[16] It was usual for generals to admit young men of promising
characters to this honorable companionship, which resembled the office
of an aide-de-camp in the modern service. Thus, Suetonius informs us
that Caesar made his first campaign in Asia as tent-companion to Marcus
Thermus the praetor.
[17] This was the fate of the colony of veterans at Camalodunum, now
Colchester or Maldon. A particular account of this revolt is given in
the 14th book of the Annals.
[18] This alludes to the defeat of Petilius Cerialis, who came with the
ninth legion to succor the colony of Camalodunum. All the infantry were
slaughtered; and Petilius, with the cavalry alone, got away to the camp.
It was shortly after this, that Suetonius defeated Boadicea and her
forces.
[19] Those of Nero.
[20] The office of quaestor was the entrance to all public employments.
The quaestors and their secretaries were distributed by lot to the
several provinces, that there might be no previous connections between
them and the governors, but they might serve as checks upon each other.
[21] Brother of the emperor Otho.
[22] At the head of the praetors, the number of whom was different at
different periods of the empire, were the Praetor Urbanus, and Praetor
Peregrinus. The first administered justice among the citizens, the
second among strangers. The rest presided at public debates, and had the
charge of exhibiting the public games, which were celebrated with
great solemnity for seven successive days, and at a vast expense. This,
indeed, in the times of the emperors, was almost the sole business of
the praetors, whose dignity, as Tacitus expresses it, consisted in the
idle trappings of state; whence Boethius justly terms the praetorship
"an empty name, and a grievous burthen on the senatorian rank."
[23] Nero had plundered the temples for the supply of his extravagance
and debauchery. See Annals, xv. 45.
[24] This was the year of Rome 822; from the birth of Christ, 69.
[25] The cruelties and depredations committed on the coast of Italy by
this fleet are described in lively colors by Tacitus, Hist. ii. 12, 13.
[26] Now the county of Vintimiglia. The attack upon the municipal town
of this place, called Albium Intemelium, is particularly mentioned in
the passage above referred to.
[27] In the month of July of this year.
[28] The twentieth legion, surnamed the Victorious, was stationed in
Britain at Deva, the modern Chester, where many inscriptions and other
monuments of Roman antiquities have been discovered.
[29] Roscius Caelius. His disputes with the governor of Britain,
Trebellius Maximus, are related by Tacitus, Hist. i. 60.
[30] The governors of the province, and commanders in chief over all the
legions stationed in it.
[31] He had formerly been commander of the ninth legion.
[32] The province of Aquitania extended from the Pyrenean mountains to
the river Liger (Loire).
[33] The governors of the neighboring provinces.
[34] Agricola was consul in the year of Rome 830, A.D. 77, along with
Domitian. They succeeded, in the calends of July, the consuls Vespasian
and Titus, who began the year.
[35] He was admitted into the Pontifical College, at the head of which
was the Pontifex Maximus.
[36] Julius Caesar, Livy, Strabo, Fabius Rusticus, Pomponius Mela,
Pliny, &c.
[37] Thus Caesar: "One side of Britain inclines towards Spain, and the
setting sun; on which part Ireland is situated."--Bell. Gall. v. 13.
[38] These, as well as other resemblances suggested by ancient
geographers, have been mostly destroyed by the greater accuracy of
modern maps.
[39] This is so far true, that the northern extremity of Scotland is
much narrower than the southern coast of England.
[40] The Orkney Islands. These, although now first thoroughly known to
the Romans, had before been heard of, and mentioned by authors. Thus
Mela, in. 6: "There are thirty of the Orcades, separated from each other
by narrow straits." And Pliny, iv. 16: "The Orcades are forty in number,
at a small distance from each other." In the reign of Claudius, the
report concerning these islands was particularly current, and adulation