The History of Rome, Books 01 to 08
40. About the thirty-eighth year of Tarquin's reign, Servius Tullius was
in the highest esteem, not only with the king, but also with the senate
and people. At this time the two sons of Ancus, though they had before
that always considered it the highest indignity that they had been
deprived of their father's crown by the treachery of their guardian,
that a stranger should be king of Rome, who was not only not of a
civic, but not even of an Italian family, yet now felt their indignation
rise to a still higher pitch at the notion that the crown would not only
not revert to them after Tarquin, but would descend even lower to a
slave, so that in the same state about the hundredth year[50] after
Romulus, descended from a deity, and a deity himself, occupied the
throne as long as he lived, a slave, and one born of a slave, should now
possess it. That it would be a disgrace both common to the Roman name,
and more especially to their family, if, whilst there was male issue of
king Ancus still living, the sovereignty of Rome should be accessible
not only to strangers, but even to slaves. They determine therefore to
prevent that disgrace by the sword. But both resentment for the injury
done to them incensed them more against Tarquin himself, than against
Servius; and (the consideration) that a king was likely to prove a more
severe avenger of the murder, if he should survive, than a private
person; and moreover, in case of Servius being put to death, whatever
other person he might select as his son-in-law,[51] it seemed likely
that he would adopt as his successor on the throne.[52] For these
reasons the plot is laid against the king himself. Two of the most
ferocious of the shepherds being selected for the daring deed, with the
rustic implements to which each had been accustomed, by conducting
themselves in as violent a manner as possible in the porch of the
palace, under pretence of a quarrel, draw the attention of all the
king's attendants to themselves; then, when both appealed to the king,
and their clamour reached even the interior of the palace, they are
called in and proceed before the king. At first both bawled aloud, and
vied in interrupting each other by their clamour, until being restrained
by the lictor, and commanded to speak in turns, they at length cease
railing. According to concert, one begins to state the matter. When the
king, attentive to him, had turned himself quite that way, the other,
raising up his axe, struck it into his head, and leaving the weapon in
the wound, they both rush out of the house.
[Footnote 50: _The hundredth year_. 138 years had elapsed since the
death of Romulus: they diminish the number of years designedly, to make
the matter appear still worse.]
[Footnote 51: _Son-in-law_. Why not one of his two sons, Lucius and
Aruns? Dio. iv. 1. If these were not his grandchildren rather, they must
have been infants at the time. Dio. iv. 4, 6.--At this time infants
could not succeed to the throne.--_Ruperti._]
[Footnote 52: This sentence has given some trouble to the
commentators.--Some will have it that three distinct reasons are given
for assassinating Tarquinius rather than Servius Tullius, and that these
are severally marked and distinguished by _et_--_et_--_tum_, the second
only having _quia_.--Stroth will have it that only two reasons are
assigned, one, why the king should be killed, and the other, why Servius
Tullius should not be killed, arising from the danger and uselessness of
the act--the former has not a _quia_, because it was a fact, (_et
injuriæ dolor_, &c.,) while the latter has it in the first part (the
danger, _et quia gravior_, &c, _quia_ being understood also before the
other, the uselessness, _tum_, _Servio occiso_, &c.) because it
contained the reasoning of the youths. Doering says there were only two
powerful reasons, revenge and fear, and a ratio probabilis introduced by
_tum_; which has the force of insuper. According to Dr. Hunter, there
are two formal assertions, one, that resentment stimulated the sons of
Ancus against the king himself; the other, that the plot is laid for the
king himself upon two considerations, of reason and policy.]
41. When those who were around had raised up the king in a dying state,
the lictors seize on the men who were endeavouring to escape. Upon this
followed an uproar and concourse of people, wondering what the matter
was. Tanaquil, during the tumult, orders the palace to be shut, thrusts
out all who were present: at the same time she sedulously prepares every
thing necessary for dressing the wound, as if a hope still remained; at
the same time, in case her hopes should disappoint her, she projects
other means of safety. Sending immediately for Servius, after she had
showed to him her husband almost expiring, holding his right hand, she
entreats him not to suffer the death of his father-in-law to pass
unavenged, nor his mother-in-law to be an object of insult to their
enemies. "Servius," she said, "if you are a man, the kingdom is yours,
not theirs, who, by the hands of others, have perpetrated the worst of
crimes. Exert yourself, and follow the guidance of the gods, who
portended that this head would be illustrious by having formerly shed a
blaze around it. Now let that celestial flame arouse you. Now awake in
earnest. We, too, though foreigners, have reigned. Consider who you are,
not whence you are sprung. If your own plans are not matured by reason
of the suddenness of this event, then follow mine." When the uproar and
violence of the multitude could scarcely be withstood, Tanaquil
addresses the populace from the upper part of the palace through the
windows facing the new street (for the royal family resided near the
temple of Jupiter Stator). She bids them "be of good courage; that the
king was stunned by the suddenness of the blow; that the weapon had not
sunk deep into his body; that he was already come to himself again; that
the wound had been examined, the blood having been wiped off; that all
the symptoms were favourable; that she hoped they would see him very
soon; and that, in the mean time, he commanded the people to obey the
orders of Servius Tullius. That he would administer justice, and would
perform all the functions of the king." Servius comes forth with the
trabea and lictors, and seating himself on the king's throne, decides
some cases, with respect to others pretends that he will consult the
king. Therefore, the death being concealed for several days, though
Tarquin had already expired, he, under pretence of discharging the duty
of another, strengthened his own interest. Then at length the matter
being made public, and lamentations being raised in the palace, Servius,
supported by a strong guard, took possession of the kingdom by the
consent of the senate, being the first who did so without the orders of
the people. The children of Ancus, the instruments of their villany
having been already seized, as soon as it was announced that the king
still lived, and that the power of Servius was so great, had already
gone into exile to Suessa Pometia.
42. And now Servius began to strengthen his power, not more by
public[53] than by private measures; and lest the feelings of the
children of Tarquin might be the same towards himself as those of the
children of Ancus had been towards Tarquin, he unites his two daughters
in marriage to the young princes, the Tarquinii, Lucius and Aruns. Nor
yet did he break through the inevitable decrees of fate by human
measures, so that envy of the sovereign power should not produce general
treachery and animosity even among the members of his own family. Very
opportunely for maintaining the tranquillity of the present state, a war
was commenced with the Veientes (for the truce had now expired[54]) and
with the other Etrurians. In that war, both the valour and good fortune
of Tullius were conspicuous, and he returned to Rome, after routing a
great army of the enemy, now unquestionably king, whether he tried the
dispositions of the fathers or the people. He then sets about a work of
peace of the utmost importance; that, as Numa had been the author of
religious institutions, so posterity might celebrate Servius as the
founder of all distinction among the members of the state, and of those
orders by which a limitation is established between the degrees of rank
and fortune. For he instituted the census, a most salutary measure for
an empire destined to become so great, according to which the services
of war and peace were to be performed, not by every person,
(indiscriminately,) as formerly, but in proportion to the amount of
property. Then he formed, according to the census, the classes and
centuries, and the arrangement as it now exists, eminently suited either
to peace or war.
[Footnote 53: By _public_--_private_. The "public" were the steps taken
by Servius to establish his political ascendency, whilst the "private"
refer to those intended to strengthen his family connexions.]
[Footnote 54: _The truce had now expired._ If the truce concluded with
them by Romulus be here meant, it was long since expired, since about
140 years had now elapsed. It is probable, however, that it was renewed
in the reign of Tullius.]
43. Of those who had an estate of a hundred thousand asses or more, he
made eighty centuries, forty of seniors and forty of juniors. All these
were called the first class, the seniors were to be in readiness to
guard the city, the juniors to carry on war abroad. The arms enjoined
them were a helmet, a round shield, greaves, and a coat of mail, all of
brass; these were for the defence of their body; their weapons of
offence were a spear and a sword. To this class were added two centuries
of mechanics, who were to serve without arms; the duty imposed upon them
was to carry the military engines. The second class comprehended all
whose estate was from seventy-five to a hundred thousand asses, and of
these, seniors and juniors, twenty centuries were enrolled. The arms
enjoined them were a buckler instead of a shield, and except a coat of
mail, all the rest were the same. He appointed the property of the third
class to amount to fifty thousand asses; the number of centuries was the
same, and formed with the same distinction of age, nor was there any
change in their arms, only greaves were taken from them. In the fourth
class, the property was twenty-five thousand asses, the same number of
centuries was formed: the arms were changed, nothing was given them but
a spear and a long javelin. The fifth class was increased, thirty
centuries were formed; these carried slings and stones for throwing.
Among them were reckoned the horn-blowers, and the trumpeters,
distributed into three centuries. This whole class was rated at eleven
thousand asses. Property lower than this comprehended all the rest of
the citizens, and of them one century was made up which was exempted
from serving in war. Having thus divided and armed the infantry, he
levied twelve centuries of knights from among the chief men of the
state. Likewise out of the three centuries, appointed by Romulus, he
formed other six under the same names which they had received at their
first institution. Ten thousand asses were given them out of the public
revenue, for the buying of horses, and widows were assigned them, who
were to pay two thousand asses yearly for the support of the horses. All
these burdens were taken off the poor and laid on the rich. Then an
additional honour was conferred upon them; for the suffrage was not now
granted promiscuously to all, as it had been established by Romulus, and
observed by his successors, to every man with the same privilege and the
same right, but gradations were established, so that no one might seem
excluded from the right of voting, and yet the whole power might reside