The History of Rome, Books 01 to 08
novelty and strangeness of the matter, and considering that it was now
all over with Servius. Then Tarquinius, commencing his invectives
against his immediate ancestors: "that a slave, and born of a slave,
after the untimely death of his parent, without an interregnum being
adopted, as on former occasions, without any comitia (being held),
without the suffrages of the people, or the sanction of the fathers, he
had taken possession of the kingdom as the gift of a woman. That so
born, so created king, ever a favourer of the most degraded class, to
which he himself belongs, through a hatred of the high station of
others, he had taken their land from the leading men of the state and
divided it among the very meanest; that he had laid all the burdens,
which were formerly common, on the chief members of the community; that
he had instituted the census, in order that the fortune of the wealthier
citizens might be conspicuous to (excite) public envy, and that all was
prepared whence he might bestow largesses on the most needy, whenever he
might please."
[Footnote 59: _Younger families_. These had been brought into the
senate, as we have seen, by Tarquinius Priscus, and consequently
favoured the Tarquinian interest. Nieb. i. p. 372.]
48. When Servius, aroused by the alarming announcement, came in during
this harangue, immediately from the porch of the senate-house, he says
with a loud voice, "What means this, Tarquin? by what audacity hast thou
dared to summon the fathers, while I am still alive? or to sit on my
throne?" To this, when he fiercely replied "that he, the son of a king,
occupied the throne of his father, a much fitter successor to the throne
than a slave; that he (Servius) had insulted his masters full long
enough by his arbitrary shuffling," a shout arises from the partisans of
both, and a rush of the people into the senate-house took place, and it
became evident that whoever came off victor would have the throne. Then
Tarquin, necessity itself now obliging him to have recourse to the last
extremity, having much the advantage both in years and strength, seizes
Servius by the middle, and having taken him out of the senate-house,
throws him down the steps to the bottom. He then returns to the
senate-house to assemble the senate. The king's officers and attendants
fly. He himself, almost lifeless, when he was returning home with his
royal retinue frightened to death, and had arrived at the top of the
Cyprian street, is slain by those who had been sent by Tarquin, and had
overtaken him in his flight. As the act is not inconsistent with her
other marked conduct, it is believed to have been done by Tullia's
advice. Certain it is, (for it is readily admitted,) that driving into
the forum in her chariot, and not abashed by the crowd of persons there,
she called her husband out of the senate-house, and was the first to
style him king; and when, on being commanded by him to withdraw from
such a tumult, she was returning home, and had arrived at the top of the
Cyprian street, where Diana's temple lately was, as she was turning to
the right to the Orbian hill, in order to arrive at the Esquiline, the
person who was driving, being terrified, stopped and drew in the reins,
and pointed out to his mistress the murdered Servius as he lay. On this
occasion a revolting and inhuman crime is stated to have been committed,
and the place is a monument of it. They call it the Wicked Street, where
Tullia, frantic and urged on by the furies of her sister and husband, is
reported to have driven her chariot over her father's body, and to have
carried a portion of her father's body and blood to her own and her
husband's household gods, herself also being stained and sprinkled with
it; through whose vengeance results corresponding to the wicked
commencement of the reign were soon to follow. Tullius reigned
forty-four years in such a manner that a competition with him would
prove difficult even for a good and moderate successor. But this also
has been an accession to his glory, that with him perished all just and
legitimate reigns. This authority, so mild and so moderate, yet, because
it was vested in one, some say that he had it in contemplation to
resign,[60] had not the wickedness of his family interfered with him
whilst meditating the liberation of his country.
[Footnote 60: _To resign_. Niebuhr is of opinion that what is said
regarding the Commentaries of Servius Tullius, chap. 60, has reference
to this.]
49. After this period Tarquin began his reign, whose actions procured
him the surname of the Proud, for he refused his father-in-law burial,
alleging, that even Romulus died without sepulture. He put to death the
principal senators, whom he suspected of having been in the interest of
Servius. Then, conscious that the precedent of obtaining the crown by
evil means might be adopted from him against himself, he surrounded his
person with armed men, for he had no claim to the kingdom except force,
inasmuch as he reigned without either the order of the people or the
sanction of the senate. To this was added (the fact) that, as he reposed
no hope in the affection of his subjects, he found it necessary to
secure his kingdom by terror; and in order to strike this into the
greater number, he took cognizance of capital cases solely by himself
without assessors; and under that pretext he had it in his power to put
to death, banish, or fine, not only those who were suspected or hated,
but those also from whom he could obtain nothing else but plunder. The
number of the fathers more especially being thus diminished, he
determined to elect none into the senate, in order that the order might
become contemptible by their very paucity, and that they might feel the
less resentment at no business being transacted by them. For he was the
first king who violated the custom derived from his predecessors of
consulting the senate on all subjects; he administered the public
business by domestic counsels. War, peace, treaties, alliances, he
contracted and dissolved with whomsoever he pleased, without the
sanction of the people and senate. The nation of the Latins in
particular he wished to attach to him, so that by foreign influence also
he might be more secure among his own subjects; and he contracted not
only ties of hospitality but affinities also with their leading men. To
Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum he gives his daughter in marriage; (he was
by far the most eminent of the Latin name, being descended, if we
believe tradition, from Ulysses and the goddess Circe, and by this match
he attaches to himself his numerous kinsmen and friends).
50. The influence of Tarquin among the chief men of the Latins was now
considerable, when he issues an order that they should assemble on a
certain day at the grove of Ferentina; that there was business about
which he wished to confer with them touching their common interest. They
assemble in great numbers at the break of day. Tarquinius himself
observed the day indeed, but he came a little before sun-set. Many
matters were there canvassed in the meeting in various conversations.
Turnus Herdonius, from Aricia, inveighed violently against Tarquin for
his absence. "That it was no wonder the cognomen of Proud was given him
at Rome;" for they now called him so secretly and in whispers, but still
generally. "Could anything be more proud than thus to trifle with the
entire nation of the Latins? After their chiefs had been called at so
great a distance from home, that he who summoned the meeting did not
attend; that no doubt their patience was tried, in order that if they
submitted to the yoke, he may crush them when at his mercy. For to whom
did it not plainly appear that he was aiming at sovereignty over the
Latins? But if his own countrymen did well in intrusting it to him, or
if it was intrusted, and not seized on by means of murder, that the
Latins also ought to intrust him (though not even so, inasmuch as he was
a foreigner). But if his own subjects are dissatisfied with him, (seeing
that they are butchered one upon another, driven into exile, and
deprived of their property,) what better prospects are held out to the
Latins? If they follow his advice, that they would depart thence, each
to his own home, and take no more notice of the day of meeting than the
person who appointed it." When this man, turbulent and daring, and one
who had attained influence at home by these means, was pressing these
and other observations having the same tendency, Tarquin came in. This
put a conclusion to his harangue. All turned away from him to salute
Tarquin, who, on silence being enjoined, being advised by those next him
to apologize for having come at that time, says, that he had been chosen
arbiter between a father and a son; that, from his anxiety to reconcile
them, he had delayed; and because that circumstance had consumed that
day, that on the morrow he would transact the business which he had
determined on. They say that he did not make even that observation
without a remark from Turnus; "that no controversy was shorter than one
between a father and son, and that it might be decided in a few
words,--unless he submitted to his father, that he must prove
unfortunate."
51. The Arician withdrew from the meeting, uttering these reflections
against the Roman king. Tarquin, feeling the matter much more acutely
than he appeared to do, immediately sets about planning the death of
Turnus, in order that he might inspire into the Latins the same terror
with which he had crushed the spirits of his own subjects at home; and
because he could not be put to death openly, by virtue of his authority,
he accomplished the ruin of this innocent man by bringing a false
accusation against him. By means of some Aricians of the opposite
faction, he bribed a servant of Turnus with gold, to suffer a great
number of swords to be introduced privately into his lodging. When this
had been completed in the course of one night, Tarquin, having summoned
the chiefs of the Latins to him a little before day, as if alarmed by
some strange occurrence, says, "that his delay of yesterday, having been
occasioned as it were by some providential care of the gods, had been
the means of preservation to him and them; that it was told to him that
destruction was prepared by Turnus for him and the chiefs of the Latins,
that he alone might obtain the government of the Latins. That he was to
have made the attempt yesterday at the meeting; that the matter was
deferred, because the person who summoned the meeting was absent, whom
he chiefly aimed at. That thence arose that abuse of him for being
absent, because he disappointed his hopes by delaying. That he had no
doubt, but that if the truth were told him, he would come at the break
of day, when the assembly met, attended with a band of conspirators, and
with arms in his hands. That it was said that a great number of swords
had been conveyed to his house. Whether that be true or not, might be
known immediately. He requested that they would accompany him thence to
Turnus." Both the daring temper of Turnus, and his harangue of
yesterday, and the delay of Tarquin, rendered the matter suspicious,
because it seemed possible that the murder might have been put off in
consequence of it. They proceed then with minds inclined indeed to
believe, yet determined to consider every thing false, unless the swords
were detected. When they arrived there, Turnus is aroused from sleep,
and guards are placed around him; and the servants, who, from affection
to their master, were preparing to use force, being secured, when the
swords, which had been concealed, were drawn out from all parts of the
lodging, then indeed the whole matter appeared manifest, and chains were