The History of Rome, Books 01 to 08
Scaptius, an old babbler at assemblies? that Scaptius would be rendered
distinguished by this statue: that the Roman people would assume the
character of a usurper and intercepter of the claims of others. For what
judge in a private cause ever acted in this way, so as to adjudge to
himself the property in dispute? That even Scaptius himself would not
act so, though he has now outlived all sense of shame." Thus the
consuls, thus the senators exclaimed; but covetousness, and Scaptius,
the adviser of that covetousness, had more influence. The tribes, when
convened, decided that the district was the public property of the Roman
people. Nor is it denied that it might have been so, if they had gone to
other judges; now the disgrace of the decision is certainly not at all
diminished by the fairness of the title: nor did it appear more
disgraceful or more hideous to the people of Aricia and of Ardea, than
it did to the Roman senate. The remainder of the year continued free
from either city or foreign commotions.
BOOK IV.
_A law was passed concerning the intermarriage of the patricians
and plebeians, after strong resistance on the part of the
patricians. Military tribunes with consular power. Censors created.
Restoration of the lands unjustly taken from the people of Ardea.
Spurius Melius, suspected of aiming at regal power, is slain by C.
Servilius Ahala by order of Quintius Cincinnatus, dictator.
Cornelius Cossus, having killed Tolumnius, king of the Veientes,
offers the second_ spolia opima. _Duration of the censorship,
originally five years, limited to one year and a half. Fidenæ
reduced, and a colony settled there. The colonists destroyed by the
Fidenatians, who are subsequently conquered by Mamercus Æmilius,
dictator. A conspiracy of the slaves put down. Postumius, a
military tribune, slain by the army for his cruelties. Pay from the
treasury first given to the soldiers. Operations against the
Volscians, Fidenatians, and Faliscians._
1. Marcus Genucius and Caius Curtius followed these as consuls. The year
was disturbed both at home and abroad. For at the commencement of the
year Caius Canuleius, tribune of the people, proposed a law concerning
the intermarriage of the patricians and commons; by which the patricians
considered that their blood would be contaminated, and the privileges of
birth would be confounded; and a hint at first lightly suggested by the
tribunes, that it should be lawful that one of the consuls should be
elected from the commons, afterwards proceeded so far, that the nine
tribunes proposed a bill, "that the people should have the power of
electing the consuls, whether they wished, from the commons or the
patricians. But they thought that if that were done, the supreme
authority would not only be shared with the lowest ranks, but be wholly
transferred from the nobility to the commons. With joy therefore the
patricians heard that the people of Ardea had revolted in consequence of
the injustice of the taking away their land, and that the Veientians had
laid waste the frontiers of the Roman territory, and that the Volscians
and Æquans murmured on account of the fortifying of Verrago; so much did
they prefer an unsuccessful war to an ignominious peace." These tidings
therefore being received and with exaggerations, in order that during
the din of so many wars the tribunitian proceedings might be suspended,
they order the levies to be held, preparations to be made for war and
arms with the utmost activity; with more energy, if possible, than had
been used in the consulship of Titus Quintius. Then Caius Canuleius
declared aloud in brief terms in the senate, that "the consuls wished in
vain to divert the commons from attention to the new laws; that they
never should hold a levee while he lived, before the commons had first
ratified the laws proposed by him and his colleagues;" and he instantly
summoned them to an assembly.
2. Both the consuls incited the senate against the tribune, and the
tribune the people against the consuls at one and the same time. The
consuls denied "that tribunitian frenzies could any longer be endured;
that they were now come to a crisis; that more hostilities were being
stirred up at home than abroad. That this happened not more through the
fault of the commons than of the patricians; nor more through that of
the tribunes than of the consuls. That the matter for which there was a
reward in the state thrived always with the greatest proficiency; that
thus it was that men became meritorious in peace, thus in war. That at
Rome the highest reward was for sedition; that had ever been the source
of honour both to individuals and to collective bodies. They should
remember in what condition they had received the majesty of the senate
from their forefathers, in what condition they were about to transmit it
to their children; that, like the commons, they should have it in their
power to boast that it was improved in degree and in splendour. That
there was no end, nor would there be, so long as the promoters of
sedition were rewarded with honour in proportion as sedition was
successful. What and how important schemes Caius Canuleius had set on
foot! that he was introducing confounding of family rank, a disturbance
of the auspices both public and private, that nothing may remain pure,
nothing uncontaminated; that, all distinction being abolished, no one
might know either himself or those he belonged to. For what other
tendency had those promiscuous intermarriages, except that intercourse
between commons and patricians might be made common after the manner of
wild beasts; so that of the offspring each may be ignorant of what blood
he may be, of what form of religion he was; that he may belong half to
the patricians, half to the commons, not being homogeneous even with
himself? That it appeared not enough, that all things divine and human
should be confounded; that those disturbers of the common people were
now preparing to (seize) the consulship; and first that they sounded
people's sentiments in mere conversation on the project of having one
consul appointed from the commons; that now the proposition was brought
forward, that the people may appoint the consuls, whether they pleased
from the patricians or from the people; and that they would appoint no
doubt every most turbulent person. The Canuleii, therefore, and the
Icilii would be consuls. (They expressed a hope) that Jupiter, the best
and greatest, would not suffer the imperial majesty of the sovereign
power to descend to that; and that they would certainly die a thousand
deaths rather than such a disgrace should be incurred. They were certain
that their ancestors, could they have divined that the commons would
become not more placable to them, but more intractable, by making
successive demands still more unreasonable, after they had obtained the
first, would have rather submitted to any struggle, than have suffered
such laws to be saddled on them. Because it was then conceded to them
with respect to tribunes, the concession was made a second time. There
was no end to it; tribunes of the commons and patricians could not
subsist in the same state; either the one order or the other office must
be abolished; and that a stop should be put to presumption and temerity
rather late than never. (Was it right) that they, by sowing discord,
should with impunity stir up the neighbouring states against us? and
then prevent the state from arming and defending itself against those
evils which they may have brought on us? and after they have almost sent
for the enemy, not suffer the armies to be levied against the enemies?
But Canuleius may have the audacity to declare openly in the senate
that, unless the patrician suffer the laws proposed by himself as
victorious, to be enacted, he would prevent the levy from being held.
What else was this, but threatening that he would betray his country;
that he would suffer it to be attacked and captured? What courage would
that expression afford, not to the Roman commons, but to the Volscians,
Æquans, and the Veientians! would they not hope that, under the
generalship of Canuleius, they should be able to scale the Capitol and
citadel, if with the deprivation of privilege and majesty, the tribunes
should rob the patricians of their courage also? That the consuls were
prepared to act against the wicked schemes of their countrymen, before
they would act against the arms of the enemy."
3. Just when these matters were going on in the senate, Canuleius thus
declaimed in favour of his laws and against the consuls: "Frequently
even before now I think I have observed how much the patricians despised
you, Romans, how unworthy they deemed you to dwell in the one city and
within the same walls with them; but on the present occasion most
clearly, in their having risen up so determinedly in opposition to those
propositions of ours: in which what else do we do, but remind them that
we are their fellow citizens, and that though we possess not the same
power, we inhabit the same city? In the one we demand intermarriage, a
thing which is usually granted to neighbours and foreigners: we have
granted even to vanquished enemies the right of citizenship, which is
more than the right of intermarriage. In the other we propose nothing
new; we only reclaim and demand that which is the people's; that the
Roman people may confer honours on whomsoever they may please. And what
in the name of goodness is it for which they embroil heaven and earth?
why was almost an attack made on me just now in the senate? why do they
say that they will not restrain themselves from violence, and threaten
that they will insult an office, sacred and inviolable? Shall this city
no longer be able to stand, and is the empire at stake, if the right of
free suffrage is granted to the Roman people, to confer the consulship
on whomsoever they may please, and if a plebeian, though he may be
worthy of the highest honour, is not precluded from the hope of
attaining that honour? and is this of the same import, whether a
plebeian be made a consul, as if any one were to propose a slave or the
son of a slave to be consul? Do you perceive in what contempt you live?
they would take from you a participation in this light, if it were
permitted them. That you breathe, that you enjoy the faculty of speech,
that you possess the forms of human beings, excites their indignation.
Nay even, as I hope for mercy, they say that it is contrary to religion
that a plebeian should be made consul. I pray, though we are not
admitted to the annals, nor to the commentaries of the pontiffs, do we
not know even those things which strangers know? that consuls have
succeeded kings? and that they possess no privilege, no majesty which
was not formerly inherent in kings? Do you suppose that we ever heard it
mentioned that Numa Pompilius, who not only was not a patrician, but not
even a citizen of Rome, was sent for from the country of the Sabines by
order of the people, with the approbation of the senate, and that he was
made king at Rome? that afterwards Lucius Tarquinius, who was not only
not of Roman, but not even of Italian extraction, the son of Damaratus
of Corinth, an emigrant from Tarquinii, was made king, even whilst the
sons of Ancus still lived? that after him Servius Tullius, the son of a
captive woman of Corniculum, with his father unknown, his mother a
slave, attained the throne by his ability and merit? For what shall I
say of Titus Tatius the Sabine, whom Romulus himself, the founder of our
city, admitted into partnership of the throne? Accordingly, whilst no
class of persons is disdained, in whom conspicuous merit may be found,