The History of Rome, Books 01 to 08
hands. He instituted many other sacred rites, and dedicated places for
performing them, which the priests call Argei. But the greatest of all
his works was his maintenance of peace, during the whole period of his
reign, no less than of his royal prerogative. Thus two kings in
succession, by different methods, the one by war, the other by peace,
aggrandized the state. Romulus reigned thirty-seven years, Numa
forty-three: the state was both strong and well versed in the arts of
war and peace.
[Footnote 29: _Cum ipsi se ---- formarent, tum finitimi etiam_, etc.
Some of the editors of Livy have remarked on this passage, that _cum_
when answering to _tum_ may be joined to a subjunctive, as here; the
fact however is, that _cum_ here does not answer to _tum_ at all; _cum_
is here "whilst,"--and so necessarily requires the verb to be in the
subjunctive mood.]
22. Upon the death of Numa, the administration returned again to an
interregnum. After that the people appointed as king, Tullus Hostilius,
the grandson of that Hostilius who had made the noble stand against the
Sabines at the foot of the citadel. The fathers confirmed the choice. He
was not only unlike the preceding king, but was even of a more warlike
disposition than Romulus. Both his youth and strength, and the renown of
his grandfather, stimulated his ambition. Thinking therefore that the
state was becoming languid through quiet, he every where sought for
pretexts for stirring up war. It happened that some Roman and Alban
peasants had mutually plundered each other's lands. C. Cluilius at that
time governed Alba. From both sides ambassadors were sent almost at the
same time, to demand restitution. Tullus ordered his to attend to
nothing before their instructions. He knew well that the Alban would
refuse, and that so war might be proclaimed on just grounds. Their
commission was executed more remissly by the Albans. For being
courteously and kindly entertained by Tullus, they politely avail
themselves of the king's hospitality. Meanwhile the Romans had both been
first in demanding restitution, and, upon the refusal of the Albans, had
proclaimed war after an interval of thirty days: of this they give
Tullus notice. Upon this he granted the Alban ambassadors an opportunity
of stating what they came to demand. They, ignorant of all, waste some
time in making apologies: "That it was with the utmost reluctance they
should say any thing which was not pleasing to Tullus; but they were
compelled by their orders. That they had come to demand restitution; and
if this be not made, they were commanded to declare war." To this Tullus
made answer, "Go tell your king, that the king of the Romans takes the
gods to witness, which of the two nations hath with contempt first
dismissed the ambassadors demanding restitution, that on it they may
visit all the calamities of this war." The Albans carry home these
tidings.
23. War was prepared for on both sides with the utmost vigour, very like
to a civil war, in a manner between parents and children: both being
Trojan offspring; for from Troy came Lavinium, from Lavinium Alba, and
the Romans were descended from the race of Alban kings. But the result
of the war rendered the quarrel less distressing, for they never came to
any action; and, when the houses only of one of the cities had been
demolished, the two states were incorporated into one. The Albans first
made an irruption into the Roman territories with a large army. They
pitch their camp not above five miles from the city, and surround it
with a trench, which, for several ages, was called the Cluilian trench,
from the name of the general, till, in process of time, the name,
together with the thing itself, were both forgotten. In that camp
Cluilius, the Alban king, dies; the Albans create Mettus[30] Fuffetius
dictator. In the mean time, Tullus being in high spirits, especially on
the death of the king, and giving out that the supreme power of the
gods, having begun at the head, would take vengeance on the whole Alban
nation for this impious war, having passed the enemy's camp in the
night-time, marches with a hostile army into the Alban territory. This
circumstance drew out Mettus from his camp likewise; he leads his forces
as near as he can to the enemy; from thence he commands a herald,
despatched by him, to tell Tullus that a conference was expedient before
they came to an engagement; and that if he would give him a meeting, he
was certain he should adduce matters which concerned the interest of
Rome not less than that of Alba. Tullus not slighting the proposal,
though the advances made were of little avail, draws out his men in
order of battle; the Albans on their part come out also. As both armies
stood in battle-array, the chiefs, with a few of the principal officers,
advance into the middle between them. Then the Alban commences thus:
[31]"That injuries and the non-restitution of property according to
treaty, when demanded, were the cause of this war, methinks I both heard
our King Cluilius (assert), and I doubt not, Tullus, but that you state
the same thing. But if the truth is to be told, rather than that which
is plausible, the desire of dominion stimulates two kindred and
neighbouring states to arms. Nor do I take upon myself to determine
whether rightly or wrongly: be that his consideration who commenced the
war. The Albans have made me their leader for carrying on the war. Of
this, Tullus, I would wish to warn you; how powerful the Etruscan state
is around us, and round you particularly, you know better (than we),
inasmuch as you are nearer them. They are very powerful by land,
extremely so by sea. Recollect that, when you shall give the signal for
battle, these two armies will presently be a spectacle to them; and they
may fall on us wearied and exhausted, victor and vanquished together.
Therefore, in the name of heaven, since, not content with certain
liberty, we are incurring the dubious risk of sovereignty and slavery,
let us adopt some method, whereby, without much loss, without much blood
of either nation, it may be decided which shall rule the other."--The
proposal is not displeasing to Tullus, though both from the natural bent
of his mind, as also from the hope of victory, he was rather inclined to
violence. After some consideration, a plan is adopted on both sides, for
which Fortune herself afforded the materials.
[Footnote 30: _Mettus_. Gronovius and Bekker read _Mettius_; Niebuhr
also prefers _Mettius_; he conceives that the Latin _prænomina_ and the
Roman _nomina_ terminated in _ius_.]
[Footnote 31: _Injurias et non redditas_, etc. The construction is, _et
ego videor audisse regem nostrum Cluilium (præ se ferre) injurias et non
redditas res ... nec dubito te ferre eadem præ te, Tulle_.]
24. It happened that there were in each of the two armies three
brothers[32] born at one birth, unequal neither in age nor strength.
That they were called Horatii and Curiatii is certain enough; nor is
there any circumstance of antiquity more celebrated; yet in a matter so
well ascertained, a doubt remains concerning their names, to which
nation the Horatii and to which the Curiatii belonged. Authors claim
them for both sides; yet I find more who call the Horatii Romans. My
inclination leads me to follow them. The kings confer with the three
brothers, that they should fight with their swords each in defence of
their respective country; (assuring them) that dominion would be on that
side on which victory should be. No objection is made; time and place
are agreed on. Before they engaged, a compact is entered into between
the Romans and Albans on these conditions, that the state whose
champions should come off victorious in that combat, should rule the
other state without further dispute. Different treaties are made on
different terms, but they are all concluded in the same general method.
We have heard that it was then concluded as follows, nor is there a more
ancient record of any treaty. A herald asked king Tullus thus, "Do you
command me, O king, to conclude a treaty with the pater patratus of the
Alban people?" After the king had given command, he said, "I demand
vervain of thee, O king." To which the king replied, "Take some that is
pure." The herald brought a pure blade of grass from the citadel; again
he asked the king thus, "Dost thou, O king, appoint me the royal
delegate of the Roman people, the Quirites? _including_ my vessels and
attendants?" The king answered, "That which may be done without
detriment to me and to the Roman people, the Quirites, I do." The herald
was M. Valerius, who appointed Sp. Fusius pater patratus, touching his
head and hair with the vervain. The pater patratus is appointed "ad
jusjurandum patrandum," that is, to ratify the treaty; and he goes
through it in a great many words, which, being expressed in a long set
form, it is not worth while repeating. After setting forth the
conditions, he says, "Hear, O Jupiter; hear, O pater patratus of the
Alban people, and ye, Alban people, hear. As those (conditions), from
first to last, have been recited openly from those tablets or wax
without wicked fraud, and as they have been most correctly understood
here this day, from those conditions the Roman people will not be the
first to swerve. If they first swerve by public concert, by wicked
fraud, on that day do thou, O Jupiter, so strike the Roman people, as I
shall here this day strike this swine; and do thou strike them so much
the more, as thou art more able and more powerful." When he said this,
he struck the swine with a flint stone. The Albans likewise went through
their own form and oath by their own dictator and priests.
[Footnote 32: _Three brothers born at one birth_. Dionys. iii. 14,
describes them as cousin-germans. Vid. Wachsmuth, p. 147. Niebuhr, i. p.
342.]
25. The treaty being concluded, the twin-brothers, as had been agreed,
take arms. Whilst their respective friends exhortingly reminded each
party "that their country's gods, their country and parents, all their
countrymen both at home and in the army, had their eyes then fixed on
their arms, on their hands; naturally brave, and animated by the
exhortations of their friends, they advance into the midst between the
two lines." The two armies sat down before their respective camps, free
rather from present danger than from anxiety: for the sovereign power
was at stake, depending on the valour and fortune of so few.
Accordingly, therefore, eager and anxious, they have their attention
intensely riveted on a spectacle far from pleasing. The signal is given:
and the three youths on each side, as if in battle-array, rush to the
charge with determined fury, bearing in their breasts the spirits of
mighty armies: nor do the one or the other regard their personal danger;
the public dominion or slavery is present to their mind, and the
fortune[33] of their country, which was ever after destined to be such
as they should now establish it. As soon as their arms clashed on the
first encounter, and their burnished swords glittered, great horror
strikes the spectators; and, hope inclining to neither side, their voice
and breath were suspended. Then having engaged hand to hand, when not
only the movements of their bodies, and the rapid brandishings of their
arms and weapons, but wounds also and blood were seen, two of the Romans
fell lifeless, one upon the other, the three Albans being wounded. And
when the Alban army raised a shout of joy at their fall, hope entirely,
anxiety however not yet, deserted the Roman legions, alarmed for the lot
of the one, whom the three Curiatii surrounded. He happened to be
unhurt, so that, though alone he was by no means a match for them all
together, yet he was confident against each singly. In order therefore