The History of Rome, Books 01 to 08
inhabited the country extending to both seas in twelve cities, colonies
equal in number to the mother cities having been sent, first on this
side the Apennines towards the lower sea, afterwards to the other side
of the Apennines; who obtained possession of all the district beyond the
Po, even as far as the Alps, except the corner of the Venetians, who
dwell round the extreme point of the [Hadriatic] sea. The Alpine nations
also have this origin, more especially the Rhætians; whom their very
situation has rendered savage, so as to retain nothing of their
original, except the accent of their language, and not even that without
corruption.
34. Concerning the passage of the Gauls into Italy we have heard as
follows. In the reign of Tarquinius Priscus at Rome, the supreme
government of the Celts, who compose the third part of Gaul, was in the
hands of the Biturigians: they gave a king to the Celtic nation. This
was Ambigatus, one very much distinguished by his merit, and both his
great prosperity in his own concerns and in those of the public; for
under his administration Gaul was so fruitful and so well peopled, that
so very great a population appeared scarcely capable of being restrained
by any government. He being now advanced in years, and anxious to
relieve his kingdom of so oppressive a crowd, declares his intention to
send his sister's sons, Bellovesus and Sigovesus, two enterprising
youths, into whatever settlements the gods should grant them by augury:
that they should take out with them as great a number of men as they
pleased, so that no nation might be able to obstruct them in their
progress. Then to Sigovesus the Hercynian forest was assigned by the
oracle: to Bellovesus the gods marked out a much more cheering route
into Italy. He carried out with him from the Biturigians, the
Arvernians, the Senonians, the Æduans, the Ambarrians, the Carnutians,
and the Aulercians, all that was superfluous in their population. Having
set out with an immense force of horse and foot, he arrived in the
country of the Tricastinians. Next the Alps were opposed [to their
progress], and I am not surprised that they should seem impassable, as
they had never been climbed over through any path as yet, as far at
least as tradition can extend, unless we are disposed to believe the
stories regarding Hercules. When the height of the mountains kept the
Gauls there penned up as it were, and they were looking around [to
discover] by what path they might pass into another world between the
summits, which joined the sky, a religious scruple detained them, it
having been announced to them that strangers in search of lands were
attacked by the nation of the Salyans. These were the Massilians, who
had come by sea from Phocæa. The Gauls considering this an omen of their
own fortune, assisted them in fortifying the ground which they had taken
possession of on their first landing, covered with spacious woods. They
themselves crossed the Alps through the Taurinian and pathless forests;
and having defeated the Etrurians not far from the Ticinus, on hearing
that the land in which they had posted themselves was called Insubria,
the same name as the Insubres, a canton of the Ædui: embracing the omen
of the place, they built a city there, and called it Mediolanum.
35. Some time after another body, consisting of Cenomanians, having
followed the tracks of the former under the conduct of Elitovius,
crossed the Alps through the same forest, with the aid of Bellovesus,
and settle themselves where the cities of Brixia and Verona now stand
(the Libuans then possessed these places). After these came the
Salluvians, who fix themselves near the ancient canton of the Ligurians
called Lævi, inhabiting the banks of the Ticinus. Next the Boians and
Lingonians, having made their way over through the Penine pass, all the
tract between the Po and the Alps being occupied, crossed the Po on
rafts, and drove out of the country not only the Etrurians, but the
Umbrians also: they confined themselves however within the Apennines.
Then the Senonians, the latest of these emigrants, took possession of
the track [extending] from the Utens to the Æsis. I find that it was
this nation that came to Clusium, and thence to Rome; whether alone, or
aided by all the nations of the Cisalpine Gauls, is not duly
ascertained. The Clusians, terrified at their strange enemy, on
beholding their great numbers, the forms of the men such as they had
never seen, and the kind of arms [they carried], and on hearing that
the troops of the Etrurians had been frequently defeated by them on both
sides of the Po, sent ambassadors to Rome to solicit aid from the
senate, though they had no claim on the Roman people, in respect either
of alliance or friendship, except that they had not defended their
relations the Veientians against the Roman people. No aid was obtained:
three ambassadors were sent, sons of Marcus Fabius Ambustus, to treat
with the Gauls in the name of the senate and Roman people; that they
should not attack the allies and friends of the Roman people from whom
they had received no wrong. That they should be supported by the Romans
even by force of arms, if circumstances obliged them; but it seemed
better that war itself should be kept aloof, if possible; and that the
Gauls, a nation strangers to them, should be known by peace, rather than
by arms.
36. The embassy was a mild one, had it not been consigned to ambassadors
too hot in temper, and who resembled Gauls more than Romans. To whom,
after they delivered their commission in the assembly of the Gauls, the
following answer is returned: Though the name of the Romans was new to
their ears, yet they believed them to be brave men, whose aid was
implored by the Clusians in their perilous conjuncture. And since they
chose to defend their allies against them by negociation rather than by
arms, that they on their part would not reject the pacific terms which
they propose, if the Clusians would give up to the Gauls in want of
land, a portion of their territories which they possessed to a greater
extent than they could cultivate; otherwise peace could not be obtained:
that they wished to receive an answer in presence of the Romans; and if
the land were refused them, that they would decide the matter with the
sword in presence of the same Romans; that they might have an
opportunity of carrying home an account how much the Gauls excelled all
other mortals in bravery. On the Romans asking what right they had to
demand land from the possessors, or to threaten war [in case of
refusal], and what business the Gauls had in Etruria, and on their
fiercely replying, that they carried their right in their swords, that
all things were the property of the brave, with minds inflamed on both
sides they severally have recourse to arms, and the battle is commenced.
Here, fate now pressing hard on the Roman city, the ambassadors,
contrary to the law of nations, take up arms; nor could this be done in
secret, as three of the noblest and bravest of the Roman youth fought in
the van of the Etrurians; so conspicuous was the valour of the
foreigners. Moreover Quintus Fabius, riding out beyond the line, slew a
general of the Gauls who was furiously charging the very standards of
the Etrurians, having run him through the side with his spear: and the
Gauls recognised him when stripping him of his spoils; and a signal was
given throughout the entire line that he was a Roman ambassador. Giving
up therefore their resentment against the Clusians, they sound a
retreat, threatening the Romans. Some gave it as their opinion that they
should proceed forthwith to Rome. The seniors prevailed, that
ambassadors should be sent to complain of the injuries done them, and to
demand that the Fabii should be given up to them in satisfaction for
having violated the law of nations. When the ambassadors had stated
matters, according to the instructions given to them, the conduct of the
Fabii was neither approved by the senate, and the barbarians seemed to
them to demand what was just: but in the case of men of such station
party favour prevented them from decreeing that which they felt to be
right. Wherefore lest the blame of any misfortune, which might happen to
be received in a war with the Gauls, should lie with them, they refer
the consideration of the demands of the Gauls to the people, where
influence and wealth were so predominant, that those persons, whose
punishment was under consideration, were elected military tribunes with
consular power for the ensuing year. At which proceeding the Gauls being
enraged, as was very natural, openly menacing war, return to their own
party. With the three Fabii the military tribunes elected were Quintus
Sulpicius Longus, Quintus Servilius a fourth time, Servius Cornelius
Maluginensis.
37. Though danger of such magnitude was impending (so completely does
Fortune blind the minds of men when she wishes not her threatening
stroke to be foiled) a state, which against the Fidenatian and Veientian
enemies, and other neighbouring states, had recourse to aid even from
the most extreme quarters, and had appointed a dictator on many trying
occasions, that same state now, when an enemy, never before seen or
heard of, from the ocean and remotest regions of the earth, was
advancing in arms against them, looked not for any extraordinary command
or aid. Tribunes, by whose temerity the war had been brought on them,
were appointed to the chief direction of affairs, and even making less
of the war than fame had represented it, held the levy with no greater
diligence than used to be exercised for ordinary wars. In the mean while
the Gauls, on hearing that honour was even conferred on the violators of
human law, and that their embassy was slighted, inflamed with
resentment, over which that nation has no control, immediately snatched
up their standards, and enter on their march with the utmost expedition.
When the cities, alarmed at the tumult occasioned by them as they passed
precipitately along, began to run to arms, and the peasants took to
flight, they indicated by a loud shout that they were proceeding to
Rome, taking up an immense space of ground, wherever they passed, with
their horses and men, their troops spreading widely in every direction.
But fame and the messengers of the Clusians, and then of the other
states one after another, preceding them, the rapid advance of the enemy
brought the greatest consternation to Rome; for, with their tumultuary
troops hastily led on, they met them within the distance of the eleventh
mile-stone, where the river Allia, descending from the Crustuminian
mountains in a very deep channel, joins the river Tiber not far below
the road. Already all places in front and on each side were crowded with
the enemy, and this nation, which has a natural turn for causeless
confusion, by their harsh music and discordant clamours, filled all
places with a horrible din.
38. There the military tribunes, without having previously selected a
place for their camp, without having previously raised a rampart to
which they might have a retreat, unmindful of their duty to the gods, to
say nothing of that to man, without taking auspices or offering
sacrifices, draw up their line, which was extended towards the flanks,
lest they should be surrounded by the great numbers of the enemy. Still
their front could not be made equal to that of the enemy, though by
thinning their line they rendered their centre weak and scarcely
connected. There was on the right a small eminence, which it was
determined to fill with bodies of reserve; and that circumstance, as it
was the first cause of their dismay and flight, so it proved their only
means of safety in their flight. For Brennus, the chieftain of the