The History of Rome, Books 01 to 08
glory, birth, nobility, valuable at present for their own enjoyment,
sure to be left still more valuable to their children." When they saw
such discourses favourably listened to, they publish a new proposition;
that instead of two commissioners for performing religious rites, ten
should be appointed; so that one half should be elected out of the
commons, the other half from the patricians; and they deferred the
meeting [for the discussion] of all those propositions, till the coming
of that army which was besieging Velitræ.
38. The year was completed before the legions were brought back from
Velitræ. Thus the question regarding the laws was suspended and deferred
for the new military tribunes; for the commons re-elected the same two
plebeian tribunes, because they were the proposers of the laws. Titus
Quinctius, Servius Cornelius, Servius Sulpicius, Spurius Servilius,
Lucius Papirius, Lucius Valerius, were elected military tribunes.
Immediately at the commencement of the year the question about the laws
was pushed to the extreme of contention; and when the tribes were
called, nor did the protest of their colleagues prevent the proposers of
the laws, the patricians being alarmed have recourse to their two last
aids, to the highest authority and the highest citizen. It is resolved
that a dictator be appointed: Marcus Furius Camillus is appointed, who
nominates Lucius Æmilius his master of the horse. To meet so powerful a
measure of their opponents, the proposers of the laws also set forth the
people's cause with great determination of mind, and having convened an
assembly of the people, they summon the tribes to vote. When the
dictator took his seat, accompanied by a band of patricians, full of
anger and of threats, and the business was going on at first with the
usual contention of the plebeian tribunes, some proposing the law and
others protesting against it, and though the protest was more powerful
by right, still it was overpowered by the popularity of the laws
themselves and of their proposers, and when the first tribes pronounced,
"Be it as you propose," then Camillus says, "Since, Romans, tribunitian
extravagance, not authority, sways you now, and ye are rendering the
right of protest, acquired formerly by a secession of the commons,
totally unavailing by the same violent conduct by which you acquired it,
I, as dictator, will support the right of protest, not more for the
interest of the whole commonwealth than for your sake; and by my
authority I will defend your rights of protection, which have been
overturned. Wherefore if Caius Licinius and Lucius Sextius give way to
the protest of their colleagues, I shall not introduce a patrician
magistrate into an assembly of the commons. If, in opposition to the
right of protest, they will strive to saddle laws on the state as though
captive, I will not suffer the tribunitian power to be destroyed by
itself." When the plebeian tribunes still persisted in the matter with
unabated energy and contemptuously, Camillus, being highly provoked,
sent his lictors to disperse the commons; and added threats, that if
they persisted he would bind down the younger men by the military oath,
and would forthwith lead an army out of the city. He struck great terror
into the people; by the opposition he rather inflamed than lessened the
spirits of their leaders. But the matter inclining neither way, he
abdicated his dictatorship, either because he had been appointed with
some informality, as some have stated; or because the tribunes of the
people proposed to the commons, and the commons passed it, that if
Marcus Furius did any thing as dictator, he should be fined five hundred
thousand _asses_. But both the disposition of the man himself, and the
fact that Publius Manlius was immediately substituted as dictator for
him, incline me to believe, that he was deterred rather by some defect
in the auspices than by this unprecedented order. What could be the use
of appointing him (Manlius) to manage a contest in which Camillus had
been defeated? and because the following year had the same Marcus Furius
dictator, who certainly would not without shame have resumed an
authority which but the year before had been worsted in his hands; at
the same time, because at the time when the motion about fining him is
said to have been published, he could either resist this order, by which
he saw himself degraded, or he could not have obstructed those others
on account of which this was introduced, and throughout the whole series
of disputes regarding the tribunitian and consular authority, even down
to our own memory, the pre-eminence of the dictatorship was always
decided.
39. Between the abdication of the former dictatorship and the new one
entered on by Manlius, an assembly of the commons being held by the
tribunes, as if it were an interregnum, it became evident which of the
laws proposed were more grateful to the commons, which to the proposers.
For they passed the bills regarding the interest and the land, rejected
the one regarding the plebeian consulate. And both decisions would have
been carried into effect, had not the tribunes declared that they
consulted the people on all the laws collectively. Publius Manlius,
dictator, then inclined the advantage to the side of the people, by
naming Caius Licinius from the commons, who had been military tribune,
as master of the horse. The patricians, I understand, were much
displeased at this nomination, but the dictator used to excuse himself
to the senate, alleging the near relationship between him and Licinius;
at the same time denying that the authority of master of the horse was
higher than that of consular tribune. When the elections for the
appointment of plebeian tribunes were declared, Licinius and Sextius so
conducted themselves, that by denying that they any longer desired a
continuation of the honour, they most powerfully stimulated the commons
to effectuate that which they were anxious for notwithstanding their
dissimulation. "That they were now standing the ninth year as it were in
battle-array against the patricians, with the greatest danger to their
private interests, without any benefit to the public. That the measures
published, and the entire strength of the tribunitian authority, had
grown old with them; the attack was made on their propositions, first by
the protest of their colleagues, then by banishing their youth to the
war at Velitræ; at length the dictatorial thunder was levelled against
them. That now neither colleagues, nor war, nor dictator stood in their
way; as being a man, who by nominating a plebeian as master of the
horse, has even given an omen for a plebeian consul. That the commons
retarded themselves and their interests. They could, if they liked, have
the city and forum free from creditors, their lands immediately free
from unjust possessors. Which kindnesses, when would they ever estimate
them with sufficiently grateful feelings, if, whilst receiving the
measures respecting their own interests, they cut away from the authors
of them all hopes of distinction? That it was not becoming the modesty
of the Roman people to require that they themselves be eased from usury,
and be put in possession of the land unjustly occupied by the great,
whilst they leave those persons through whom they attained these
advantages, become old tribunitians, not only without honour, but even
without the hope of honour. Wherefore they should first determine in
their minds what choice they would make, then declare that choice at the
tribunitian elections. If they wished that the measures published by
them should be passed collectively, there was some reason for
re-electing the same tribunes; for they would carry into effect what
they published. But if they wished that only to be entertained which may
be necessary for each in private, there was no occasion for the
invidious continuation of honour; that they would neither have the
tribuneship, nor the people those matters which were proposed."
40. In reply to such peremptory language of the tribunes, when amazement
at the insolence of their conduct and silence struck all the rest of the
patricians motionless, Appius Claudius Crassus, the grandson of the
decemvir, is said to have stepped forward to refute their arguments,
[urged on] more by hatred and anger than by hope [of succeeding], and to
have spoken nearly to this effect: "Romans, to me it would be neither
new nor surprising, if I too on the present occasion were to hear that
one charge, which has ever been advanced against our family by turbulent
tribunes, that even from the beginning nothing in the state has been of
more importance to the Claudian family than the dignity of the
patricians; that they have ever resisted the interests of the commons.
Of which charges I neither deny nor object to the one, that we, since we
have been admitted into the state and the patricians, have strenuously
done our utmost, that the dignity of those families, among which ye were
pleased that we should be, might be truly said rather to have been
increased than diminished. With respect to the other, in my own defence
and that of my ancestors, I would venture to maintain, Romans, (unless
any one may consider those things, which may be done for the general
good of the state, were injurious to the commons as if inhabitants of
another city,) that we, neither in our private nor in our official
capacity, ever knowingly did any thing which was intended to be
detrimental to the commons; and that no act nor word of ours can be
mentioned with truth contrary to your interest (though some may have
been contrary to your inclinations). Even though I were not of the
Claudian family, nor descended from patrician blood, but an ordinary
individual of the Roman citizens, who merely felt that I was descended
from free-born parents, and that I lived in a free state, could I be
silent on this matter: that Lucius Sextius and Caius Licinius, perpetual
tribunes, forsooth, have assumed such a stock of arrogance during the
nine years in which they have reigned, as to refuse to allow you the
free exercise of your suffrage either at the elections or in enacting
laws. On a certain condition, one of them says, ye shall re-elect us
tribunes for the tenth time. What else is it, but saying, what others
sue for, we disdain so thoroughly, that without some consideration we
will not accept it? But in the name of goodness, what is that
consideration, for which we may always have you tribunes of the commons?
that ye admit collectively all our measures, whether they please or
displease, are profitable or unprofitable. I beg you, Tarquinii,
tribunes of the commons, suppose that I, an individual citizen, should
call out in reply from the middle of the assembly, With your good leave
be it permitted us to select out of these measures those which we deem
to be beneficial to us; to reject the others. It will not be permitted,
he says. Must you enact concerning the interest of money and the lands,
that which tends to the interest of you all; and must not this prodigy
take place in the city of Rome, that of seeing Lucius Sextius and this
Caius Licinius consuls, a thing which you loathe and abominate? Either
admit all; or I propose none. Just as if any one were to place poison
and food together before any one who was oppressed with famine, and
order him either to abstain from that which would sustain life, or to
mix with it that which would cause death. Wherefore, if this state were
free, would they not all in full assembly have replied to you, Begone
hence with your tribuneships and your propositions? What? if you will
not propose that which it is the interest of the people to accept, will
there be no one who will propose it? If any patrician, if (what they