The Letters of Cassiodorus
complete (but for this passage) is the silence of the Variae as to
Amalasuentha's deposition and death: as if Cassiodorus had said, 'If
you do anything to harm _her_, you may get other apologists for your
deeds; I will be no champion of such wickedness.' It is scarcely
necessary to remark that there is nothing in the wording of the
sentence 'de illa persona,' &c. which makes it more applicable to a
woman than to a man. As Peter's embassy was ostensibly connected with
ecclesiastical affairs, there is perhaps an allusion in this sentence
to some scheme of Theodora's with reference to the Papacy. It is
possible that she may have been already working for the election of
Vigilius to the chair of St. Peter, and therefore that _he_ is meant
by 'illa persona.']
'We therefore inform you that we had caused our messenger [Rusticus
the priest] to be despatched by the Pope before your ambassador could
possibly have left Rome. So saluting you with all the veneration which
is your due, we assign the office of ambassador to a man eminent both
by his character and learning, and venerable by reason of his office;
since we believe that those persons are acceptable to you whom we have
thought suitable to be entrusted with the Divine ministry.'
21. QUEEN GUDELINA TO THEODORA, AUGUSTA.
[Sidenote: Soliciting Theodora's friendship.]
'Oh, wisest of Augustas, both I and my wedded lord earnestly desire
your friendship. The love of so great a lady seems to raise me higher
than royalty. Shed on us the lustre of your glory, for one light loses
nothing by imparting some of its brilliancy to another. With
affectionate presumption I commend myself to the favour of the Emperor
and yourself, desiring that, as is fitting, there should be no discord
between the two Roman realms[669].'
[Footnote 669: 'Nullam inter Romana regna decet esse discordiam.']
22. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN[670].
[Footnote 670: This letter seems as if it was written on precisely the
same occasion as x. 19. Again Peter is sent back, and with him a
'venerable man' to represent Theodahad. We learn from Procopius (i. 6)
that Theodahad, in his fear of war, recalled Peter when he had already
got as far as Albano, and gave him another set of propositions for
Justinian. It seems possible that these fresh letters (22 and 23) from
Theodahad and his Queen were given him when he set out the _second_
time.]
[Sidenote: Entreaties for peace.]
'Our own ambassadors, and that most excellent person Peter, whom your
Piety despatched to us, will both have informed you how earnestly we
desire concord with your august Serenity. We now send two more
ambassadors charged with the same commission. We certainly with all
sincerity plead for peace who have no cause of quarrel with you.
Consider also, oh learned Sovereigns, and consult the archives of your
great grandfather[671], that you may see how large a part of their own
rights your predecessors were willing to relinquish for the sake of an
alliance with our ancestors[672]. Think how fortunate you are in
having that friendship willingly offered to you for which they had
humbly to sue. Yet, we may say it without arrogance, we know ourselves
to be better than those ancestors of ours with whom the treaty was
made[673]. We send you on this embassy a venerable man, made
illustrious by his priestly office, and conspicuous by the renown of
his learning. We pray the Divine goodness to bring our wishes to pass;
and as not even a series of letters can contain all that we have to
say, we have given some verbal messages to be conveyed to your sacred
ears, that you may not be wearied by the reading of too diffuse a
letter.'
[Footnote 671: Zeno (not of course an ancestor in natural
relationship, but predecessor in the third degree).]
[Footnote 672: 'Considerate etiam, principes docti, et abavi vestri
historica monumenta recolite, quantum decessores vestri studuerint de
suo jure relinquere ut eis parentum nostrorum foedera provenirent.']
[Footnote 673: 'Nunc illi vestram gratiam ultro quaerunt, qui suis
parentibus meliores se esse cognoscunt.' Dahn remarks that Theodahad's
asserted superiority to Theodoric probably consisted in his
philosophical culture.]
23. QUEEN GUDELINA TO THEODORA, AUGUSTA[674].
[Footnote 674: See note on the preceding letter.]
[Sidenote: The same subject.]
'We learn with satisfaction from that most eloquent man Peter, that
what has happened in this State is acceptable to you[675]. You show
your love of justice when, all suspicion by God's providence having
been wiped away, you desire that there should be lasting agreement
between us. Let there then be definite promises on both sides, and
lasting concord as the result. We therefore send that venerable man to
secure the peace of our most serene husband with yours in the sight of
all men. If there be anything in the Emperor's terms so hard that it
ought not to be imposed on us, we trust to your wise moderation to
mitigate the same, that the love which we have begun to feel towards
your kingdom be not chilled by harsh terms of peace.
[Footnote 675: 'Ut per eum disceremus acceptum vobis esse quod in hac
republica constat evenisse.' At first sight this seems to refer to the
death of Amalasuentha or to the accession of Theodahad. Dahn thinks
that those events have been disposed of in previous letters. Perhaps
it is a general expression for 'the whole course of recent events in
Italy.' Though upon the whole rejecting the story of Theodora's
complicity in the death of Amalasuentha, I am bound to admit that this
passage lends a certain amount of probability to the charge. At the
same time, the words in the next sentence, 'per divinam providentiam
omni suspicione detersa,' are susceptible of an honourable meaning,
even if the death of Amalasuentha be alluded to. 'You and your husband
accused us of that crime. Now by God's providence we have been able to
show that we were guiltless of it [that it was done without our
privity by the relations of the three Gothic nobles whom she had put
to death]. Nothing therefore remains to hinder peace between us.']
'Claim this palm of concord between the two States as your own
especial crown, that as the Emperor is renowned for his successful
wars, so you may receive the praises of all men for this accomplished
peace. Let the bearer of these letters see you often and
confidentially. We hope for just, not onerous, conditions of peace,
although in truth nothing seems impossible to us if we know that it is
asked for by such a glorious person as yourself.'
24. QUEEN GUDELINA TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN[676].
[Footnote 676: Apparently sent at the same time as the two preceding
letters.]
[Sidenote: The same subject.]
A short letter of compliments to the Emperor, and earnest desire for
the preservation of peace. Peter and 'ille vir venerabilis' are still
the messengers.
25. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN.
[Sidenote: The same subject.]
'The august page written by your Serenity, and brought to us by the
venerable presbyter Heracleanus, has gleamed upon us, bringing us the
grace of your salutation. Oh, what a great benefit for us is this
sweet converse with so mighty a prince!
'May we ever hear of your safety, and of the increase of the happiness
of your kingdom. We have no other wish but this. According to your
desire we have addressed letters to the Pope of the City of Rome[677],
telling him to reply to the letter brought by the present messenger
with the least possible delay, since anyone who comes from you should
be attended to with utmost celerity. We hope for many future
opportunities of thus obeying your desires and earning your love in
return.'
[Footnote 677: Negotiations were evidently still going on between the
Emperor and the Pope, probably with reference to the election of
Anthimus, who, though accused of Monophysitism, had been made
Patriarch of Constantinople in 535 by Theodora's influence, and whom
the Pope apparently refused to recognise. He was afterwards deposed by
Pope Agapetus when he visited Constantinople.]
26. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN.
[Sidenote: A monastery too heavily taxed.]
'Richer than all other gifts bestowed by your Serenity is this, when
you exhort us to do that which will profit for our own salvation and
recommend us to the Divine Power. We hear that it has been brought to
the knowledge of your Glory that a monastery of God's servants is too
heavily oppressed with tribute, and we point out that this is owing to
an inundation which has smitten their land with the curse of
barrenness. However, we have given orders to the most eminent
Senator[678] to appoint a careful inspector to visit the farm in
question, weigh the matter carefully, and make such reasonable
reduction as may leave a sufficient profit to the owners of the soil.
We consider that anything which we thus concede to the desire of your
Mildness will be to us the most precious of all gains.
[Footnote 678: Cassiodorus.]
[Sidenote: Alleged losses of a convert from Arianism.]
'In the matter of Veranilda, too, about which your Serenity has
deigned to admonish me, though it happened long ago under the reign of
my relations, I thought it right to make good her loss by my own
generosity, that she might not repent her change of religion[679]. For
seeing that the Deity suffers many religions, we should not seek to
impose one on all our subjects. He who tries to do otherwise flies in
the face of the Divine commands. Your Piety, therefore, fittingly
invites me to these acts of obedience to God.'
[Footnote 679: Apparently Veranilda had in the reign of Theodoric
become a convert from Arianism to Orthodoxy, and had suffered some
pecuniary losses in consequence, which Theodahad now proposes to make
up to her. See Dahn, Koenige der Germanen iii. 199, _n._ 4.]
27. KING THEODAHAD TO SENATOR[680], PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO.
[Footnote 680: Cassiodorus.]
[Sidenote: Corn distributions in Liguria and Venetia.]
'In succouring his subjects, the payers of tribute, the King does not
seem to give, so much as to restore what he has received. The
cultivator of the soil is abandoned to future famine, unless he is
helped in the day of his necessity. Therefore let the corn which has
been received by the government from industrious Liguria and loyal
Venetia, though it has been taken from their fields, be born again to
them in our granaries, since it is too outrageous that the cultivator
should starve while our barns are full. Therefore let your Illustrious
Greatness (whose office is said to have been instituted for the
express purpose of feeding the people from the accumulated stores of
the State[681]) sell to the impoverished Ligurians the third part of
the grain warehoused at Ticinum and Dertona, at the rate of 25 modii
to the solidus[682]. Similarly distribute the third part of the stores
in the warehouses of Tarvisium and Tridentum to the Venetians, at the
same rate, that pitying Heaven, seeing men's bounty to one another,
may give us fruitful harvests. Take care that this distribution is so
managed that our indulgence shall reach those persons chiefly, who are
least able to depend on their own resources.'
[Footnote 681: 'Quorum dignitas ad hoc legitur instituta, ut de
repositis copiis populum saturare possetis.' Probably an allusion to
Joseph, whom Cassiodorus celebrates as the first Praefectus
Praetorio.]
[Footnote 682: Six bushels for twelve shillings, or sixteen shillings
a quarter.]
28. KING THEODAHAD TO SENATOR[683], PRAEFECTUS PRAETORIO.
[Footnote 683: Cassiodorus.]
[Sidenote: Grant of monopolies.]
'The King ought to confirm whatever has been wisely ordered by the
Judges, especially those who are known to be above suspicion of
bribery.