The Letters of Franklin K. Lane, Personal and Political
asked me what I thought should be done as to the Pope's appeal for
peace. I told him I thought it should be taken seriously. He
agreed and asked what the President should say. I answered that,
inasmuch as all the evidence pointed to the conclusion that the
German Centerists and Austria were responsible for this appeal,
that we could not afford to have them feel that we were for a
policy of annihilation,--for this would be playing the War
Party's game and would place the burden on us of continuing the
war. And this we could neither afford [to do] at home or abroad.
This opportunity should be seized, I said, to make plain not so
much our terms of peace as the things in Germany that seemed to
make peace difficult,--Germany's attitude toward the world, the
spirit against which we are fighting. That we wished peace; that
we had been patient to the limit; that we had come in in the hope
that we could destroy the idea in the German mind that it could
impose its authority and system, by force, upon an unwilling
world; that we were not opposed to talking peace, provided, at the
outset, and as a SINE QUA NON, the Central Powers would assume
that Government by the Soldier was not a possibility in the 20th
century.
The Colonel said that he had written the President to this same
effect. That he had written you, or not, he did not say. So I am
telling you the Colonel's view for your own benefit. He thought
that the Allies would strongly insist upon concerted action,
putting aside the Pope's appeal, and that this had to be resisted,
for we should play our own game. I find all I meet here strong for
the war, but of course I only meet the high-spirited. There is
much feeling that we are going about it too mechanically, with too
little emotion and passion. ... As always,
LANE
Toward the middle of August, Lane started for Mount Desert to
inspect the proposed National Park created there through the
public-spirited devotion of George B. Dorr. This northern trip was
taken to decide whether he would accept, as Secretary of the
Interior, this addition to the National Parks. Two years later in
writing to Senator Myers, Chairman of the Committee on Public
Lands, of this National Park, the only one east of the
Mississippi, Lane said, "The name Lafayette is substituted for
that of Mount Desert, the name proposed by the former bill, and I
consider it singularly appropriate that the name of Lafayette
should be commemorated by these splendid mountains facing on the
sea, on what was once a corner of Old France, and with it the
early friendship of the two nations which are so closely allied in
the present war."
To Henry Lane Eno Bar Harbori, Maine
Washington, Saturday, [September 2, 1917]
There are not many weeks in a man's life of which he can say that
one was without a flaw, that it could not have been improved upon
in company, comfort, or surroundings. And all these things, my
dear Mr. Eno, I can affirm of the days spent with you. I have a
better opinion of my fellows and of my country because of them.
Perhaps, after all, that is as complete a test as any other. As I
look back I think of but one thing that gives occasion for regret
--we had too few good, mind-stretching talks, you, Dorr, and
myself. But those we had were certainly not about affairs of small
concern. We indulged ourselves as social philosophers,
psychologists, war-makers, and international statesmen. The world
was ours, and more--the worlds beyond. To do things worth while by
day, and to dream things worth while by night, and to believe that
both are worth while, that is the perfect life. If one can't get
to Heaven by following that course, then are we lost.
I am sending a line to Dorr, noble, unselfish, high-spirited,
broad-minded gentleman that he is. ... Sincerely and heartily
yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
To George Dorr, Bar Harbor, Maine
Washington, [September 2,1917]
MY DEAR MR. DORR,--You do not know what good you did my tired
politics-soaked soul by showing me, under such happy conditions,
the beauties and the possibilities of your island. And I came to
know two men at least, whose heads and hearts were working for a
less pudgy and flat-footed world. ... To have enthusiasm is to
beat the Devil. So I have you down in my Saints' book.
You know a man in politics is always looking about for some place
to which he can retire when the whirligig brings in another group
of more popular patriots. Now I can frankly say that if I could
have an extended term of exile on your island with you and your
friends, I would feel reconciled to banishment from politics for
life, provided however (I must say this for conscience' sake) that
we had time and money to make the Park what it should be--a
demonstration school for the American to show how much he can add
to the beauty of Nature.
A wilderness, no matter how impressive and beautiful, does not
satisfy this soul of mine, (if I have that kind of thing). It is a
challenge to man. It says, "Master me! Put me to use! Make me
something more than I am." So what you have done in the Park--the
Spring House and the Arts Building, the cliff trails and the
opened woods, show how much may be added by the love and thought
of man. May the Gods be good to you, the God of Mammon
immediately, that your dreams may come true, and that you may give
to others the pleasure you gave to yours sincerely,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
TO HON. WOODROW WILSON THE WHITE HOUSE
Washington, September 21, 1917
MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT,--It will interest you to know that the
Commission which I sent up this year to Alaska to look into the
Alaskan Railroad matters has just returned. The engineer on this
Commission was Mr. Wendt, who was formerly Chief Engineer of the
Pittsburg and Lake Erie Railroad, and who is now in charge of the
appraisal of eastern roads under the Interstate Commerce
Commission. He tells me that our Alaskan road could not have been
built for less money if handled by a private concern; that he has
never seen any railroad camps where the men were provided with as
good food and where there was such care taken of their health.
They have had no smallpox and but one case of typhoid fever. No
liquor is allowed on the line of the road. The road in his
judgment has followed the best possible location. Our hospitals
are well run. The compensation plan adopted for injuries is
satisfactory to the men.
I have directed that all possible speed be made in connecting the
Matanuska coal fields with Seward. This involves the heaviest
construction that we will have to undertake, which is along
Turnagain Ann, but by the middle of next year, no strikes
intervening, and transportation for supplies being available, this
part of the work should be done. Faithfully and cordially yours,
FRANKLIN K. LANE
In Lane's Annual REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR, dated
November 20, 1919, he writes of the Alaskan railroad enterprise:--
"One of the first recommendations made by me in my report of seven
years ago was that the Government build a railroad from Seward to
Fairbanks in Alaska. Five years ago you intrusted to me the
direction of this work. The road is now more than two-thirds built
and Congress at this session after exhaustively examining into the
work has authorized an additional appropriation sufficient for its
completion. The showing made before Congress was that the road had
been built without graft; every dollar has gone into actual work
or material. It has been built without giving profits to any large
contractors, for it has been constructed entirely by small
contractors or by day's labor. It has been built without touch of
politics; every man on the road has been chosen exclusively for
ability and experience."
This memorandum touching the early history of Alaska was found in
Lane's files.
MANUSCRIPT NOTE
Washington, December 29, 1911
Last night I dined with Charles Henry Butler, reporter for the
Supreme Court and a son of William Alien Butler, for so long a
leader of the New York bar.
In the course of the evening Mr. Charles Glover, President of the
Riggs National Bank, told me this bit of history. That when he was
a boy, in the bank one day Mr. Cochran came to him and handed him
two warrants upon the United States Treasury, one for $1,400,000.
and the other for $5,800,000. He said, "Put those in the safe."
Mr. Glover did so, and they remained there for a week, when they
were sent to New York. Mr., Glover said "These warrants were the
payment of Russia for the Territory of Alaska. Why were there two
warrants? I never knew until some years later, when I learned the
story from Senator Dawes, who said that prior to the war, there
had been some negotiations between the United States and Russia
for the purchase of Alaska, and the price of $1,400,000. was
agreed upon. In fact this was the amount that Russia asked for
this great territory, which was regarded as nothing more than a
barren field of ice.
"During the war the matter lay dormant. We had more territory than
we could take care of. When England, however, began to manifest
her friendly disposition toward the Confederacy, and we learned
from Europe that England and France were carrying on negotiations
for the recognition of the Southern States, and possibly of some
manifestation by their fleets against the blockade which we had
instituted, (and which they claimed was not effective and merely a
paper blockade), we looked about for a friend, and Russia was the
only European country upon whose friendship we could rely.
Thereupon Secretary Seward secured from Russia a demonstration, in
American ports, of Russian friendship. Her ships of war sailed to
both of our coasts, the Atlantic and Pacific, with the
understanding that the expense of this demonstration should be met
by the United States, out of the contingent fund. It was to be a
secret matter. "The war came to a close, and immediately
thereafter Lincoln was assassinated and the administration
changed. It was no longer possible to pay for this demonstration,
secretly, under the excuse of war, but a way was found for paying
Russia through the purchase of Alaska. The warrant for $1,400,000.
was the warrant for the purchase of Alaska, the warrant for
$5,800,000. was for Russia's expenses in her naval demonstration
in our behalf, but history only knows the fact that the United
States paid $7,200,000. for this territory, which is now
demonstrated to be one of the richest portions of the earth in
mineral deposits."
TO HON. WOODROW WILSON
THE WHITE HOUSE
Washington, November 3, 1917
MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT,--On April 7, 1917, the Council of National
Defense adopted a report, submitted by the Chairman of the
Executive Committee on Labor of the Advisory Commission of the
Council, urging that no change in existing standards be made
during the war, by either employers or employees, except with the
approval of the Council of National Defense. ...
The next step for producing efficiency must be no strikes.
The annual convention of the American Federation of Labor,
consisting of international unions, will be held at Buffalo on
November 12th. I would urge that about thirty executives of the
unions, which more directly control essential war production, be
invited to confer with you prior to that date, to determine on a
policy which will prevent the constant interruption of production
for war purposes. The Commissioners of Conciliation of the
Department of Labor and the President's Commission have a
wonderful record of accomplishments for settling strikes after
they have occurred. Organized labor should give the Government the