The Memoirs of Admiral Lord Beresford
noon'; and to the commandant of British troops, 'All Turkish troops
remaining in the town after noon are to be made prisoners and compelled
to embark at the quay.'"
It was a bold decision, worthy of the Royal Navy. For all the admiral
knew, the Turks might have fought, in which case they would have been
reinforced by some thousands of Bashi-Bazouks. But they gave in, and
were marched on board. Their "furniture, beds, pianos, carpets and
general loot and rubbish, making a pile as big as a frigate," says the
eye-witness aforesaid, "which, together with nearly three hundred
horses, was bundled into boats and lighters by the seamen of the
_Revenge_ and _Empress of India_, and stowed away on board the
transports, the work taking all night."
Thus did Rear-Admiral Gerard Noel cut the knot which all the
diplomatists in Europe had failed to unloose. The Marquess of
Salisbury publicly complimented the admirals upon their diplomatic
ability, saying that he wished the Cabinets of Europe could work
together with equal unanimity and rapidity.
In December, 1908, H.R.H. Prince George of Greece took over the
government of Crete from the admirals.
The settlement of the Cretan difficulty undoubtedly exercised an
appreciable effect upon the international situation, with which my own
enterprise in China was necessarily connected. For Admiral Noel had
removed what had been a chronic danger to the peace of Europe; and in
so doing had demonstrated that combined action on the part of the Great
Powers (if entrusted to naval officers) could be both cordially
conducted and successfully accomplished. I have recalled the affair,
not only because it gives me pleasure to record the ability, courage
and resolution of my old friend and brother officer, but because no
account of the time, lacking the Cretan episode, can be wholly
intelligible. For, {431} although it is consistently neglected by
political historians, whose views are usually distorted by party, it
remains, and will remain, a classic example of the consummate exercise
of British sea-power for the inspiration and instruction of honest men.
{432}
CHAPTER XLIV
TRAFFICS AND DISCOVERIES
I. CHINA
THE MISFORTUNES OF KANG YU WEI
On my way up to Pekin, I visited Hong Kong, arriving there on 30th
September. The island of Hong Kong, being British territory, is a city
of refuge; to which sanctuary, just before my arrival, had fled Kang Yu
Wei, the leader of the Reform Party. To the influence of Kang Yu Wei
may be ascribed the conversion of the young Emperor, Kuang Hsu, to
Reform; and the issue by the Son of Heaven of the series of Decrees,
during the Hundred Days of Reform of the preceding summer. The
movement culminated in the plot to seize the person of the Empress
Dowager, which was frustrated by the _coup d'état_. But before that
decisive event occurred, Kang Yu Wei receiving a broad hint from the
Emperor that his arrest had been ordered by the Empress Dowager, took
the next train from Pekin to Tongku, and embarked on board the coasting
steamer _Chungking_ bound for Shanghai.
The Taotai at Shanghai informed Acting-Consul-General Brenan that he
had received orders to arrest Kang Yu Wei upon his arrival, and that a
reward of 2000 dollars was offered for his capture, and requested Mr.
Brenan to search for the fugitive in all British ships arriving at
Shanghai. By this time the Chinese detectives and policemen were
wildly excited by the prospect of securing 2000 dollars that Mr. Brenan
feared they would attempt forcibly to {433} board British ships before
they entered the harbour. He therefore determined to intercept the
_Chungking_ before the Chinese officials could reach her; but desiring
to avoid the open implication of the Consulate in the matter, he
accepted the services volunteered by Mr. J. O. P. Bland (joint author
of _China under the Empress Dowager_). Mr. Bland, who spoke Chinese,
took a steam-launch, met the _Chungking_ some miles out at sea,
transhipped Kang Yu Wei, and put him on board the P. and O. steamer
_Ballaarat_, then lying outside Woosung. Captain Field, commanding the
_Ballaarat_, placed an armed sentry upon Kang Yu Wei's cabin. The
people in the _Chungking_, knowing that H.M.S. _Esk_ was at Woosung,
told the Chinese officials at Shanghai that Kang Yu Wei had been put on
board her. This information diverted attention from the _Ballaarat_
for the moment.
The Chinese officials, however, eventually determined to follow the
_Ballaarat_ in a gunboat, when, two days later (29th September), the
_Ballaarat_ sailed for Hong Kong. The British authorities, learning
also that two more Chinese gunboats were ordered to lie in wait for the
P. and O. boat, arranged that she should be escorted to Hong Kong by
H.M. cruiser _Bonaventure_, commanded by my old friend and
brother-in-arms in the Soudan campaign, Captain R. A. J. Montgomerie.
Being pursued by the Chinese gunboat, Montgomerie cleared for action;
luckily for them, the Chinese declined to risk an affair with one of
the finest fighting officers in Her Majesty's service; and Kang Yu Wei
was landed in safety at Hong Kong. Here, Major-General Black placed
him under police protection. The procedure followed by Captain
Montgomerie in accordance with the orders of Vice-Admiral Sir Edward
Seymour, then commander-in-chief on the China station, not only saved
the life of the patriot Kang Yu Wei, but prevented the occurrence of
the difficulties which would have arisen had the Chinese attempted to
board the _Ballaarat_.
With the object of ascertaining the views of the Reform Party
concerning the future of China and its relation to the {434} extension
of trade and commerce, I invited Kang Yu Wei to visit me. He arrived
surrounded by a bodyguard of policemen, for a price was set on his
head. Apparently the poor man felt it already loose, for, as he
talked, he kept turning it over his shoulder; and little wonder; for it
was only three or four days since his brother and five of his
colleagues had been executed in Pekin.
"Reforms in the East," said Kang Yu Wei, "invariably demanded martyrs;
and, if China did not go to pieces in the meantime, posterity would
honour the six dead gentlemen." In reply to my question as to the
present position of the Reform Party, he said it was "completely
crushed, but not killed," and would ere long revive; a prophecy which
has been fulfilled.
Kang Yu Wei affirmed that, contrary to the general opinion abroad, all
educated Chinamen believed that Reform alone could prevent the
dissolution of an Empire 4000 years old; that by degrees the mass of
the people were accepting the new doctrines; that the Reformers relied
upon Great Britain to help them to carry their schemes into execution;
and that, were they to attain power, they would certainly open China to
the trade and commerce of the world, because such a policy would
increase the strength and riches of the Empire.
The impression left upon my mind by Kang Yu Wei was that he was loyal,
patriotic, and unselfishly devoted to his country, and undoubtedly he
was in earnest.
In the course of many conversations held with the compradors (managers)
of the great mercantile houses in China, I ascertained that, while
several of them were frankly in favour of Reform, all of them agreed
that the Reformers had acted in haste, neglecting to prepare their way
by means of careful organisation.
THE CHINESE NEW MODEL
Arriving at Pekin on 16th October, 1898, I was kindly invited by Sir
Claude Macdonald, British Minister {435} Plenipotentiary, to stay at
the Legation. To all Foreign Ministers accredited to Pekin I paid my
respects and presented my credentials, which were given to me by the
President of the Associated Chambers of Commerce of Great Britain, Sir
Stafford Northcote, and which showed that I had been asked to make a
report on British trade and commerce, its future development, and what
security existed throughout the Chinese Empire for such trade and
commerce.
On 20th October, I visited the Tsung-li Yamen; a body created, in 1861,
for the purpose of conducting diplomatic negotiations with the
representatives of Foreign Powers, and consisting of eight members, of
whom three are Manchus and five are Chinese. I was presented to Prince
Ching, the President, and was requested to address the members. In my
speech, I dwelt upon the anxiety as to the future on the part of
British traders on account of the want of security for capital, and the
ignoring of treaties by the Chinese; suggested that, unless China
organised her military and police forces in order to give security for
trade and commerce, foreign countries would adopt the policy embodied
in the expression "Spheres of Influence"; affirmed that the British
desired no addition to be made to the British Empire, either in the
nature of dominion, sphere of influence, or protectorate; explained
that what the commercial communities desired was free and uninterrupted
opportunities for trade, with equal rights and privileges for all the
nations of the world, a policy expressed by the words "Open Door"; and
stated that in order to establish such a policy, it was essential that
China should maintain her integrity.
Prince Ching asked me how I thought trade and commerce could be better
protected that it was at present.
I replied that the only effective method would be thoroughly to
reorganise the Chinese army, abolishing the system of maintaining
provincial armies; that, as Great Britain had 64 per cent. of the whole
foreign trade of China, she was naturally anxious as to its adequate
security; and that it was possible that the British Government would
allow {436} a British officer to assist the Chinese in putting their
army in order; adding that I had no official authority whatever to make
the statement, but merely put it forward as a suggestion. I also
suggested that should the Chinese Government consider the proposal, it
might be well for them to invite other nations which had large trading
interests with China, to lend a few officers and non-commissioned
officers to work with the British in the reorganisation of the army.
Prince Ching observed that they already had German officers to drill
some of their troops; and that Captain Lang, the British naval officer,
was in the Chinese service to help them to organise their Fleet. He
did not mention, however, what I afterwards discovered, that Captain
Lang had found the admiral sitting on the quarter-deck playing fan-tan
with his own sentry. Captain Lang subsequently resigned his
appointment.
When Prince Ching and some members of the Tsung-li Yamen returned my
visit, Prince Ching informed me that the Emperor and the Empress
Dowager approved of my suggestions; and that his Excellency Chung Chi
Tung, Viceroy of Hunan and Hupeh, had been ordered to have 2000 of his
troops ready to be placed under a British officer for drill and
organisation, as an experiment, which might possibly lead to the
reorganisation of the army as a whole. I replied that as I was in no
way authorised to take any responsibility with regard to this matter,
any action taken on the part of the Tsung-ii Yamen must go through the
British Minister to the British Government. Prince Ching said that it
was the intention of the Tsung-li Yamen formally to inform Sir Claude
Macdonald of the wishes of the Chinese Government.
My interpreter on these occasions was Mr. Fulford of the British
Legation, and all that passed between myself and the high Chinese
officials in Pekin was made known by Mr. Fulford to the British
Minister.
The question of providing adequate security for British subjects and