The Philippines a Century Hence
like the beat of the pendulum, by a law of reaction the Islands will
probably declare themselves a federal republic.
If the Philippines secure their independence after heroic and stubborn
conflicts, they can rest assured that neither England, nor Germany,
nor France, and still less Holland, will dare to take up what Spain
has been unable to hold. Within a few years Africa will completely
absorb the attention of the Europeans, and there is no sensible nation
which, in order to secure a group of poor and hostile islands, will
neglect the immense territory offered by the Dark Continent, untouched,
undeveloped and almost undefended. England has enough colonies in the
Orient and is not going to risk losing her balance. She is not going
to sacrifice her Indian Empire for the poor Philippine Islands--if
she had entertained such an intention she would not have restored
Manila in 1763, but would have kept some point in the Philippines,
whence she might gradually expand. Moreover, what need has John
Bull the trader to exhaust himself for the Philippines, when he is
already lord of the Orient, when he has there Singapore, Hongkong
and Shanghai? It is probable that England will look favorably upon
the independence of the Philippines, for it will open their ports to
her and afford greater freedom to her commerce. Furthermore, there
exist in the United Kingdom tendencies and opinions to the effect
that she already has too many colonies, that they are harmful, that
they greatly weaken the sovereign country.
For the same reasons Germany will not care to run any risk, and because
a scattering of her forces and a war in distant countries will endanger
her existence on the continent. Thus we see her attitude, as much in
the Pacific as in Africa, is confined to conquering easy territory
that belongs to nobody. Germany avoids any foreign complications.
France has enough to do and sees more of a future in Tongking and
China, besides the fact that the French spirit does not shine in zeal
for colonization. France loves glory, but the glory and laurels that
grow on the battlefields of Europe. The echo from battlefields in the
Far East hardly satisfies her craving for renown, for it reaches her
quite faintly. She has also other obligations, both internally and
on the continent.
Holland is sensible and will be content to keep the Moluccas and
Java. Sumatra offers her a greater future than the Philippines, whose
seas and coasts have a sinister omen for Dutch expeditions. Holland
proceeds with great caution in Sumatra and Borneo, from fear of
losing everything.
China will consider herself fortunate if she succeeds in keeping
herself intact and is not dismembered or partitioned among the European
powers that are colonizing the continent of Asia.
The same is true of Japan. On the north she has Russia, who envies and
watches her; on the south England, with whom she is in accord even
to her official language. She is, moreover, under such diplomatic
pressure from Europe that she can not think of outside affairs until
she is freed from it, which will not be an easy matter. True it is
that she has an excess of population, but Korea attracts her more
than the Philippines and is, also, easier to seize.
Perhaps the great American Republic, whose interests lie in the
Pacific and who has no hand in the spoliation of Africa, may some day
dream of foreign possession. This is not impossible, for the example
is contagious, covetousness and ambition are among the strongest
vices, and Harrison manifested something of this sort in the Samoan
question. But the Panama Canal is not opened nor the territory of
the States congested with inhabitants, and in case she should openly
attempt it the European powers would not allow her to proceed, for they
know very well that the appetite is sharpened by the first bites. North
America would be quite a troublesome rival, if she should once get
into the business. Furthermore, this is contrary to her traditions.
Very likely the Philippines will defend with inexpressible valor the
liberty secured at the price of so much blood and sacrifice. With the
new men that will spring from their soil and with the recollection of
their past, they will perhaps strive to enter freely upon the wide
road of progress, and all will labor together to strengthen their
fatherland, both internally and externally, with the same enthusiasm
with which a youth falls again to tilling the land of his ancestors,
so long wasted and abandoned through the neglect of those who have
withheld it from him. Then the mines will be made to give up their
gold for relieving distress, iron for weapons, copper, lead and
coal. Perhaps the country will revive the maritime and mercantile
life for which the islanders are fitted by their nature, ability and
instincts, and once more free, like the bird that leaves its cage,
like the flower that unfolds to the air, will recover the pristine
virtues that are gradually dying out and will again become addicted
to peace--cheerful, happy, joyous, hospitable and daring.
These and many other things may come to pass within something like a
hundred years. But the most logical prognostication, the prophecy based
on the best probabilities, may err through remote and insignificant
causes. An octopus that seized Mark Antony's ship altered the face of
the world; a cross on Cavalry and a just man nailed thereon changed
the ethics of half the human race, and yet before Christ, how many
just men wrongfully perished and how many crosses were raised on
that hill! The death of the just sanctified his work and made his
teaching unanswerable. A sunken road at the battle of Waterloo buried
all the glories of two brilliant decades, the whole Napoleonic world,
and freed Europe. Upon what chance accidents will the destiny of the
Philippines depend?
Nevertheless, it is not well to trust to accident, for there is
sometimes an imperceptible and incomprehensible logic in the workings
of history. Fortunately, peoples as well as governments are subject
to it.
Therefore, we repeat, and we will ever repeat, while there is time,
that it is better to keep pace with the desires of a people than
to give way before them: the former begets sympathy and love, the
latter contempt and anger. Since it is necessary to grant six million
Filipinos their rights, so that they may be in fact Spaniards, let
the government grant these rights freely and spontaneously, without
damaging reservations, without irritating mistrust. We shall never
tire of repeating this while a ray of hope is left us, for we prefer
this unpleasant task to the need of some day saying to the mother
country: "Spain, we have spent our youth in serving thy interests in
the interests of our country; we have looked to thee, we have expended
the whole light of our intellects, all the fervor and enthusiasm of our
hearts in working for the good of what was thine, to draw from thee a
glance of love, a liberal policy that would assure us the peace of our
native land and thy sway over loyal but unfortunate islands! Spain,
thou hast remained deaf, and, wrapped up in thy pride, hast pursued
thy fatal course and accused us of being traitors, merely because we
love our country, because we tell thee the truth and hate all kinds
of injustice. What dost thou wish us to tell our wretched country,
when it asks about the result of our efforts? Must we say to it that,
since for it we have lost everything--youth, future, hope, peace,
family; since in its service we have exhausted all the resources of
hope, all the disillusions of desire, it also takes the residue which
we can not use, the blood from our veins and the strength left in our
arms? Spain, must we some day tell Filipinas that thou hast no ear for
her woes and that if she wishes to be saved she must redeem herself?"
RIZAL'S FAREWELL ADDRESS
ADDRESS TO SOME FILIPINOS
"Countrymen: On my return from Spain I learned that my name had been
in use, among some who were in arms, as a war-cry. The news came as a
painful surprise, but, believing it already closed, I kept silent over
an incident which I considered irremediable. Now I notice indications
of the disturbances continuing, and if any still, in good or bad faith,
are availing themselves of my name, to stop this abuse and undeceive
the unwary I hasten to address you these lines that the truth may
be known.
"From the very beginning, when I first had notice of what
was being planned, I opposed it, and demonstrated its absolute
impossibility. This is the fact, and witnesses to my words are now
living. I was convinced that the scheme was utterly absurd, and,
what was worse, would bring great suffering.
"I did even more. When later, against my advice, the movement
materialized, of my own accord I offered not alone my good offices,
but my very life, and even my name, to be used in whatever way might
seem best, toward stifling the rebellion; for, convinced of the ills
which it would bring, I considered myself fortunate, if, at any
sacrifice, I could prevent such useless misfortunes. This equally
is of record. My countrymen, I have given proofs that I am one most
anxious for liberties for our country, and I am still desirous of
them. But I place as a prior condition the education of the people,
that by means of instruction and industry our country may have an
individuality of its own and make itself worthy of these liberties. I
have recommended in my writings the study of civic virtues, without
which there is no redemption. I have written likewise (and repeat
my words) that reforms, to be beneficial, must come from above,
that those which come from below are irregularly gained and uncertain.
"Holding these ideas, I cannot do less than condemn, and I do condemn,
this uprising,--as absurd, savage, and plotted behind my back,--which
dishonors us Filipinos and discredits those who could plead our
cause. I abhor its criminal methods and disclaim all part in it,
pitying from the bottom of my heart the unwary who have been deceived.
"Return, then, to your homes, and may God pardon those who have worked
in bad faith.
Jose Rizal.
"Fort Santiago, December 15th, 1896.
The Spanish judge-advocate-general commented upon the address:
"The preceding address to his countrymen which Dr. Rizal proposes
to direct to them, is not in substance the patriotic protest
against separatist manifestations and tendencies which ought to
come from those who claim to be loyal sons of Spain. According
to his declarations, Don Jose Rizal limits himself to condemning
the present insurrectionary movement as premature and because he
considers now its triumph impossible, but leaves it to be inferred
that the wished-for independence can be gained by procedures less
dishonorable than those now being followed by the rebels, when the
culture of the people shall be a most valuable asset for the combat
and guarantee its successful issue.
"For Rizal the question is of opportuneness, not of principles nor of
aims. His manifesto might be summarized in these words: 'Because of
my proofs of the rebellion's certainty to fail, lay down your arms,
my countrymen. Later I shall lead you to the Promised Land.'
"So far from being conducive to peace, it could advance in the
future the spirit of rebellion. For this reason the publication of
the proposed address seems impolitic, and I would recommend to Your
Excellency to forbid its being made public, but to order that all
these papers be forwarded to the Judge Advocate therein and added to
the case against Rizal."
"Manila, December 19th, 1896."
RIZAL'S DEFENCE
These "Additions" were really Doctor Rizal's defence before the