The Underground Railroad
Independence in one hand, and brutally wielding her
slave-driving lash in the other. Marvellous inconsistency and
unparalleled assurance. But now, God be praised, she is free,
free to advance the cause of liberty throughout the world. (Loud
cheers.)
Sir, this is not the first time I have been in England. I have
been here three times before on anti-slavery missions; and
wherever I traveled, I was always exultantly told, "Slaves
cannot breathe in England!" Now, at last, I am at liberty to
say, and I came over with the purpose to say it, "Slaves cannot
breathe in America!" (Cheers.) And so England and America stand
side by side in the cause of negro emancipation; and side by
side may they stand in all that is just and noble and good,
leading the way gloriously in the world's redemption. (Loud
cheers.)
I came to this country for the first time in 1833, to undeceive
Wilberforce, Clarkson, and other eminent philanthropists, in
regard to the real character, tendency, and object of the
American Colonization Society. I am happy to say that I quickly
succeeded in doing so. Before leaving, I had the pleasure of
receiving a protest against that Society as an obstruction to
the cause of freedom throughout the world, and, consequently, as
undeserving of British confidence and patronage, signed by
William Wilberforce, Thomas Fowell Buxton, Zachary Macaulay, and
other illustrious philanthropists. On arriving in London I
received a polite invitation by letter from Mr. Buxton to take
breakfast with him. Presenting myself at the appointed time,
when my name was announced, instead of coming forward promptly
to take me by the hand, he scrutinized me from head to foot, and
then inquired, somewhat dubiously, "Have I the pleasure of
addressing Mr. Garrison, of Boston, in the United States?" "Yes,
sir," I replied, "I am he; and I am here in accordance with your
invitation." Lifting up his hands he exclaimed, "Why, my dear
sir, I thought you were a black man. And I have consequently
invited this company of ladies and gentlemen to be present to
welcome Mr. Garrison, the black advocate of emancipation from
the United States of America." (Laughter.) I have often said,
sir, that that is the only compliment I have ever had paid to me
that I care to remember or tell of. For Mr. Buxton had somehow
or other supposed that no white American could plead for those
in bondage as I had done, and therefore I must be black.
(Laughter.)
It is indeed true, sir, that I have had no other rule by which
to be guided than this. I never cared to know precisely how many
stripes were inflicted on the slaves. I never deemed it
necessary to go down into the Southern States, if I could have
gone, for the purpose of taking the exact dimensions of the
slave system. I made it from the start, and always, my own case,
thus: Did I want to be a slave? No. Did God make me to be a
slave? No. But I am only a man, only one of the human race; and
if not created to be a slave, then no other human being was made
for that purpose. My wife and children, dearer to me than my
heart's blood, were they made for the auction-block? Never! And
so it was all very easily settled here (pointing to his breast).
(Great cheering.) I could not help being an uncompromising
abolitionist.
Here allow me to pay a brief tribute to the American
abolitionists. Putting myself entirely out of the question, I
believe that in no land, at any time, was there ever a more
devoted, self-sacrificing, and uncompromising band of men and
women. Nothing can be said to their credit which they do not
deserve. With apostolic zeal, they counted nothing dear to them
for the sake of the slave, and him dehumanized. But whatever has
been achieved through them is all of God, to whom alone is the
glory due. Thankful are we all that we have been permitted to
live to see this day, for our country's sake, and for the sake
of mankind. Of course, we are glad that our reproach is at last
taken away; for it is very desirable, if possible, to have the
good opinions of our fellow-men; but if, to secure these, we
must sell our manhood and sully our souls, then their bad
opinions of us are to be coveted instead.
Sir, my special part in this grand struggle was in first
unfurling the banner of immediate and unconditional
emancipation, and attempting to make a common rally under it.
This I did, not in a free State, but in the city of Baltimore,
in the slave-holding State of Maryland. It was not long before I
was arrested, tried, condemned by a packed jury, and
incarcerated in prison for my anti-slavery sentiments. This was
in 1830. In 1864 I went to Baltimore for the first time since my
imprisonment. I do not think that I could have gone at an
earlier period, except at the peril of my life; and then only
because the American Government was there in force, holding the
rebel elements in subserviency. I was naturally curious to see
the old prison again, and, if possible, to get into my old cell;
but when I went to the spot, behold! the prison had vanished;
and so I was greatly disappointed, (Laughter.) On going to
Washington, I mentioned to President Lincoln, the disappointment
I had met with. With a smiling countenance and a ready wit, he
replied, "So, Mr. Garrison, the difference between 1830 and 1864
appears to be this: in 1830 you could not get out, and in 1864
you could not get in!" (Great laughter.) This was not only
wittily said, but it truthfully indicated the wonderful
revolution that had taken place in Maryland; for she had adopted
the very doctrine for which she imprisoned me, and given
immediate and unconditional emancipation to her eighty thousand
slaves. (Cheers.)
I commenced the publication of the "_Liberator_" in Boston, on
the 1st of January, 1831. At that time I was very little known,
without allies, without means, without subscribers; yet no
sooner did that little sheet make its appearance, than the South
was thrown into convulsions, as if it had suddenly been invaded
by an army with banners! Notwithstanding, the whole country was
on the side of the slave power--the Church, the State, all
parties, all denominations, ready to do its bidding! O the
potency of truth, and the inherent weakness and conscious
insecurity of great wrong! Immediately a reward of five thousand
dollars was offered for my apprehension, by the State of
Georgia. When General Sherman was making his victorious march
through that State, it occurred to me, but too late, that I
ought to have accompanied him, and in person claimed the
reward--(laughter)--but I remembered, that, had I done so, I
should have had to take my pay in Confederate currency, and
therefore it would not have paid traveling expenses. (Renewed
laughter.) Where is Southern Slavery now? (Cheers.) Henceforth,
through all coming time, advocates of justice and friends of
reform, be not discouraged; for you will, and you must succeed,
if you have a righteous cause. No matter at the outset how few
may be disposed to rally round the standard you have raised--if
you battle unflinchingly and without compromise--if yours be a
faith that cannot be shaken, because it is linked to the Eternal
Throne--it is only a question of time when victory shall come to
reward your toils. Seemingly, no system of iniquity was ever
more strongly intrenched, or more sure and absolute in its sway,
than that of American Slavery; yet it has perished.
"In the earthquake God has spoken;
He has smitten with His thunder
The iron walls asunder,
And the gates of brass are broken."
So it has been, so it is, so it ever will be throughout the
earth, in every conflict for the right. (Great cheering.) * *
* * *
Ladies and gentlemen, I began my advocacy of the Anti-slavery
cause at the North in the midst of brickbats and rotten eggs. I
ended it on the soil of South Carolina, almost literally buried
beneath the wreaths and flowers which were heaped upon me by her
liberal bondmen. (Cheers.)
LEWIS TAPPAN
Was one of the warmest friends of the slave and of the colored
man. He was very solicitous for their welfare, and that the
colored people who were free should be enlightened and educated.
He opened a Sunday-school for colored adults, which was
numerously attended, in West Broadway, New York, and with a few
others, devoted the most of the Sabbath to their teaching. When
he and his brother Arthur, assembled the seventy anti-slavery
agents, who were thereafter, like "firebrands," scattered all
over the land, they held their meetings in this room. These
agents were entertained by abolitionists in the city, and many
of us had two or three of them in each of our families for a
couple of weeks. They went out all over the land, and were
instrumental in diffusing more truth, perhaps, about the
dreadful system of American Slavery, than was accomplished in
any other way. He also aided in establishing several
periodicals, brimful of anti-slavery truth; among which, were
the "_Anti-Slavery Record_," the "_Emancipator_," the "_Slave's
Friend;_" the latter, to indoctrinate the children in
Anti-slavery. The American Missionary Society, originally begun
for the support of a mission in Africa, on the occasion of the
return of the Amistad captors to their native land, and now
doing so much for the freedmen of the South, was almost entirely
established by his efforts. During the continuance of Slavery,
much was done by this Society for the diffusion of an
anti-slavery gospel.
The "Vigilance Committee," for aiding and befriending fugitives,
of which I was treasurer for many years, had no better or warmer
friend than he. He was almost always at their meetings, which
were known only to "the elect," for we dared not hold them too
publicly, as we almost always had some of the travelers toward
the "north star" present, whose masters or their agents were
frequently in the city, in hot pursuit. At first, we sent them
to Canada, but after a while, sent them only to Syracuse, and
the centre of the State.
In 1834, I think, was the first rioting, the sacking of Mr.
Tappan's house, in Rose Street. The mob brought all his
furniture out, and piling it up in the street, set it on fire.
The family were absent at the time. Soon after, they stoned Rev.
Mr. Ludlow's, and Dr. Cox's church, and the house of the latter.
They threatened Arthur Tappan & Co's, store, in Pearl Street,
but hearing that there were a few loaded muskets there, they
_took it out in threats_. But their mercantile establishment was
almost ostracised at this time, by the dry goods merchants; and
country merchants in all parts of the country, north as well as
south, did not dare to have it known that they bought goods of
them; and when they did so, requested particularly, that the
bundles or boxes, should not be marked "from A. Tappan & Co.,"
as was customary. Southern merchants especially, avoided them,
and when, two or three years later, there was a general
insolvency among them, occasionally large losses to New York
merchants, and in some cases failure; _the Tappans were saved by