The Underground Railroad
in their then quarters any longer. George was twenty-four years of age,
quite smart, pleasant countenance, and of dark complexion.
He had experienced "rough usage" all the way along through life, not
unfrequently from severe floggings. Twice, within the last year, he had
been sold. In order to prevent a renewal of these inflictions he
resorted to the Underground Rail Road with his wife, to whom he had only
been married six months.
In one sense, they appeared to be in a sad condition, it being the dead
of winter, but their condition in Alexandria, under a brutal master and
mistress which both had the misfortune to have, was much sadder. To give
all their due, however, George's wife acknowledged, that she had been
"well treated under her old mistress," but through a change, she had
fallen into the hands of a "new one," by whom her life had been rendered
most "miserable;" so much so, that she was willing to do almost anything
to get rid of her, and was, therefore, driven to join her husband in
running away.
Henry Chambers, John Chambers, Samuel Fall, and Jonathan Fisher. This
party represented the more promising-looking field-hand slave population
of Maryland. Henry and John were brothers, twenty-four and twenty-six
years of age, stout made, chestnut color, good-looking, but in height
not quite medium. Henry "owed service or labor," to a fellow-man by the
name of William Rybold, a farmer living near Sassafras Neck, Md. Henry
evidently felt, that he did master Rybold no injustice in testifying
that he knew no good of him, although he had labored under him like a
beast of burden all his days. He had been "clothed meanly," and "poorly
fed." He also alleged, that his mistress was worse than his master, as
she would "think nothing of knocking and beating the slave women for
nothing." John was owned by Thomas Murphy. From that day to this, Thomas
may have been troubling his brain to know why his man John treated him
so shabbily as to leave him in the manner that he did. Jack had a good
reason for his course, nevertheless. In his corn field-phrase he
declared, that his master Murphy would not give you half clothes, and
besides he was a "hard man," who kept Jack working out on hire.
Therefore, feeling his wrongs keenly, Jack decided, with his other
friends, to run off and be free.
Sam, another comrade, was also owned by William Rybold. Sam had just
arrived at his maturity (twenty-one), when he was invited to join in the
plot to escape. At first, it might be thought strange, why one so young
should seek to escape. A few brief words from Sam soon explained the
mystery. It was this: his master, as he said, had been in the habit of
tying him up by the hands and flogging him unmercifully; besides, in the
allowance of food and clothing, he always "stinted the slaves yet worked
them very hard." Sam's chances for education had been very unfavorable,
but he had mind enough to know that liberty was worth struggling for. He
was willing to make the trial with the other boys. He was of a dark
chestnut color, and of medium size.
Jonathan belonged to A. Rybold, and was only nineteen years of age. All
that need be said in relation to his testimony, is, that it agreed with
his colleague's and fellow-servant's, Samuel. Before starting on their
journey, they felt the need of new names, and in putting their wits
together, they soon fixed this matter by deciding to pass in future by
the following names: James and David Green, John Henry, and Jonathan
Fisher.
In the brief sketches given in this chapter, some lost ones, seeking
information of relatives, may find comfort, even if the general reader
should fail to be interested.
PART OF THE ARRIVALS IN DECEMBER, 1855.
THOMAS JERVIS GOOSEBERRY and WILLIAM THOMAS FREEMAN, _alias_ EZEKIEL
CHAMBERS; HENRY HOOPER; JACOB HALL, _alias_ HENRY THOMAS, and wife,
HENRIETTA and child; Two men from near Chestertown, Md.; FENTON JONES;
MARY CURTIS; WILLIAM BROWN; CHARLES HENRY BROWN; OLIVER PURNELL and
ISAAC FIDGET.
Thomas Jervis Gooseberry and William Thomas Freeman. The coming of this
party was announced in the subjoined letter:
SCHUYLKILL, 11th Mo., 29th, 1855.
WILLIAM STILL: DEAR FRIEND:--Those boys will be along by the
last Norristown train to-morrow evening. I think the train
leaves Norristown at 6 o'clock, but of this inform thyself. The
boys will be sent to a friend at Norristown, with instructions
to assist them in getting seats in the last train that leaves
Norristown to-morrow evening. They are two of the eleven who
left some time since, and took with them some of their master's
horses; I have told them to remain in the cars at Green street
until somebody meets them.
E.F. PENNYPACKER.
Having arrived safely, by the way and manner indicated in E.F.
Pennypacker's note, as they were found to be only sixteen and seventeen
years of age, considerable interest was felt by the Acting Committee to
hear their story. They were closely questioned in the usual manner. They
proved to be quite intelligent, considering how young they were, and how
the harrow of Slavery had been upon them from infancy.
They escaped from Chestertown, Md., in company with nine others (they
being a portion of the eleven who arrived in Wilmington, with two
carriages, etc., noticed on page 302), but, for prudential reasons they
were separated while traveling. Some were sent on, but the boys had to
be retained with friends in the country. Many such separations were
inevitable. In this respect a great deal of care and trouble had to be
endured for the sake of the cause.
Thomas Jervis, the elder boy, was quite dark, and stammered somewhat,
yet he was active and smart. He stated that Sarah Maria Perkins was his
mistress in Maryland. He was disposed to speak rather favorably of her,
at least he said that she was "tolerably kind" to her servants. She,
however, was in the habit of hiring out, to reap a greater revenue for
them, and did not always get them places where they were treated as well
as she herself treated them. Tom left his father, Thomas Gooseberry, and
three sisters, Julia Ann, Mary Ellen, and Katie Bright, all slaves.
Ezekiel, the younger boy, was of a chestnut color, clever-looking,
smart, and well-grown, just such an one as a father enjoying the
blessings of education and citizenship, might have felt a considerable
degree of pride in. He was owned by a man called John Dwa, who followed
"farming and drinking," and when under the influence of liquor, was
disposed to ill-treat the slaves. Ezekiel had not seen his mother for
many years, although she was living in Baltimore, and was known by the
name of "Dorcas Denby." He left no brothers nor sisters.
The idea of boys, so young and inexperienced as they were, being thrown
on the world, gave occasion for serious reflection. Still the Committee
were rejoiced that they were thus early in life, getting away from the
"Sum of all villanies." In talking with them, the Committee endeavored
to impress them with right ideas as to how they should walk in life,
aided them, of course, and sent them off with a double share of advice.
What has been their destiny since, is not known.
Henry Hooper, a young man of nineteen years of age, came from Maryland,
in December, in a subsequent Underground Rail Road arrival. That he came
in good order, and was aided and sent off, was fully enough stated on
the book, but nothing else; space, however was left for the writing out
of his narrative, but it was never filled up. Probably the loose sheet
on which the items were jotted down, was lost.
Jacob Hall, alias Henry Thomas, wife Henrietta, and child, were also
among the December passengers. On the subject of freedom they were
thoroughly converted. Although Jacob was only about twenty years of age,
he had seen enough of Slavery under his master, "Major William
Hutchins," whom he described as a "farmer, commissioner, drunkard, and
hard master," to know that no hope could be expected from him, but if he
remained, he would daily have to be under the "harrow." The desire to
work for himself was so strong, that he could not reconcile his mind to
the demands of Slavery. While meditating upon freedom, he concluded to
make an effort with his wife and child to go to Canada.
His wife, Henrietta, who was then owned by a woman named Sarah Ann
McGough, was as unhappily situated as himself. Indeed Henrietta had come
to the conclusion, that it was out of the question for a servant to
please her mistress, it mattered not how hard she might try; she also
said, that her mistress drank, and that made her "wus."
Besides, she had sold Henrietta's brother and sister, and was then
taking steps to sell her,--had just had her appraised with this view. It
was quite easy, therefore, looking at their condition in the light of
these plain facts, for both husband and wife to agree, that they could
not make their condition any worse, even if they should be captured in
attempting to escape. Henrietta also remembered, that years before her
mother had escaped, and got off to Canada, which was an additional
encouragement. Thus, as her own faith was strengthened, she could
strengthen that of her husband.
Their little child they resolved to cling to through thick and thin; so,
in order that they might not have so far to carry him, father and mother
each bridled a horse and "took out" in the direction of the first
Underground Rail Road station. Their faithful animals proved of
incalculable service, but they were obliged to turn them loose on the
road without even having the opportunity or pleasure of rewarding them
with a bountiful feed of oats.
Although they had strange roads, woods and night scenes to pass through,
yet they faltered not. They found friends and advisers on the road,
however, and reached the Committee in safety, who was made to rejoice
that such promising-looking "property" could come out of Ladies' Manor,
Maryland. The Committee felt that they had acted wisely in taking the
horses to assist them the first night.
The next arrival is recorded thus: "Dec. 10, 1855, Arrived, two men from
near Chestertown, Md. They came to Wilmington in a one horse wagon, and
through aid of T.G. they were sent on." (Further account at the time,
written on a loose piece of paper, is among the missing).
Fenton Jones escaped from Frederick, Md. After arriving in the
neighborhood of Ereildoun, Pa., he was induced to tarry awhile for the
purpose of earning means to carry him still farther. But he was soon led
to apprehend danger, and was advised and directed to apply to the
Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia for the needed aid, which he did,
and was dispatched forthwith to Canada.
About the same time a young woman arrived, calling herself Mary Curtis.
She was from Baltimore, and was prompted to escape to keep from being
sold. She was nineteen years of age, small size, dark complexion. No
special incidents in her life were noted.
William Brown came next. If others had managed to make their way out of
the prison-house without great difficulties, it was far from William to
meet with such good luck, as he had suffered excessively for five weeks
while traveling. It was an easy matter for a traveler to get lost, not
knowing the roads, nor was it safe to apply to a stranger for
information or direction--therefore, in many instances, the journey
would either have to be given up, or be prosecuted, suffering almost to
the death.
In the trying circumstances in which William found himself, dark as
everything looked, he could not consent to return to his master, as he
felt persuaded, that if he did, there would be no rest on earth for him.
He well remembered, that, because he had resisted being flogged (being