Cicero's Tusculan Disputations
difficulties. It is he who, reasoning against the astronomical studies
of Gallus, used frequently to repeat these words of Achilles in the
Iphigenia[303]:
They note the astrologic signs of heaven,
Whene'er the goats or scorpions of great Jove,
Or other monstrous names of brutal forms,
Rise in the zodiac; but not one regards
The sensible facts of earth, on which we tread,
While gazing on the starry prodigies.
He used, however, to say (and I have often listened to him with
pleasure) that for his part he thought that Zethus, in the piece of
Pacuvius, was too inimical to learning. He much preferred the
Neoptolemus of Ennius, who professes himself desirous of philosophizing
only in moderation; for that he did not think it right to be wholly
devoted to it. But though the studies of the Greeks have so many charms
for you, there are others, perhaps, nobler and more extensive, which we
may be better able to apply to the service of real life, and even to
political affairs. As to these abstract sciences, their utility, if
they possess any, lies principally in exciting and stimulating the
abilities of youth, so that they more easily acquire more important
accomplishments.
XIX. Then Tubero said: I do not mean to disagree with you, Laelius; but,
pray, what do you call more important studies?
_Laelius._ I will tell you frankly, though perhaps you will think
lightly of my opinion, since you appeared so eager in interrogating
Scipio respecting the celestial phenomena; but I happen to think that
those things which are every day before our eyes are more particularly
deserving of our attention. Why should the child of Paulus AEmilius, the
nephew of AEmilius, the descendant of such a noble family and so
glorious a republic, inquire how there can be two suns in heaven, and
not ask how there can be two senates in one Commonwealth, and, as it
were, two distinct peoples? For, as you see, the death of Tiberius
Gracchus, and the whole system of his tribuneship, has divided one
people into two parties. But the slanderers and the enemies of Scipio,
encouraged by P. Crassus and Appius Claudius, maintained, after the
death of these two chiefs, a division of nearly half the senate, under
the influence of Metellus and Mucius. Nor would they permit the
man[304] who alone could have been of service to help us out of our
difficulties during the movement of the Latins and their allies towards
rebellion, violating all our treaties in the presence of factious
triumvirs, and creating every day some fresh intrigue, to the
disturbance of the worthier and wealthier citizens. This is the reason,
young men, if you will listen to me, why you should regard this new sun
with less alarm; for, whether it does exist, or whether it does not
exist, it is, as you see, quite harmless to us. As to the manner of its
existence, we can know little or nothing; and even if we obtained the
most perfect understanding of it, this knowledge would make us but
little wiser or happier. But that there should exist a united people
and a united senate is a thing which actually may be brought about, and
it will be a great evil if it is not; and that it does not exist at
present we are aware; and we see that if it can be effected, our lives
will be both better and happier.
XX. Then Mucius said: What, then, do you consider, my Laelius, should be
our best arguments in endeavoring to bring about the object of your
wishes?
_Laelius._ Those sciences and arts which teach us how we may be most
useful to the State; for I consider that the most glorious office of
wisdom, and the noblest proof and business of virtue. In order,
therefore, that we may consecrate these holidays as much as possible to
conversations which may be profitable to the Commonwealth, let us beg
Scipio to explain to us what in his estimation appears to be the best
form of government. Then let us pass on to other points, the knowledge
of which may lead us, as I hope, to sound political views, and unfold
the causes of the dangers which now threaten us.
XXI. When Philus, Manilius, and Mummius had all expressed their great
approbation of this idea[305] * * * I have ventured [to open our
discussion] in this way, not only because it is but just that on State
politics the chief man in the State should be the principal speaker,
but also because I recollect that you, Scipio, were formerly very much
in the habit of conversing with Panaetius and Polybius, two Greeks,
exceedingly learned in political questions, and that you are master of
many arguments by which you prove that by far the best condition of
government is that which our ancestors have handed down to us. And as
you, therefore, are familiar with this subject, if you will explain to
us your views respecting the general principles of a state (I speak for
my friends as well as myself), we shall feel exceedingly obliged to
you.
XXII. Then Scipio said: I must acknowledge that there is no subject of
meditation to which my mind naturally turns with more ardor and
intensity than this very one which Laelius has proposed to us. And,
indeed, as I see that in every profession, every artist who would
distinguish himself, thinks of, and aims at, and labors for no other
object but that of attaining perfection in his art, should not I, whose
main business, according to the example of my father and my ancestors,
is the advancement and right administration of government, be
confessing myself more indolent than any common mechanic if I were to
bestow on this noblest of sciences less attention and labor than they
devote to their insignificant trades? However, I am neither entirely
satisfied with the decisions which the greatest and wisest men of
Greece have left us; nor, on the other hand, do I venture to prefer my
own opinions to theirs. Therefore, I must request you not to consider
me either entirely ignorant of the Grecian literature, nor yet
disposed, especially in political questions, to yield it the
pre-eminence over our own; but rather to regard me as a true-born
Roman, not illiberally instructed by the care of my father, and
inflamed with the desire of knowledge, even from my boyhood, but still
even more familiar with domestic precepts and practices than the
literature of books.
XXIII. On this Philus said: I have no doubt, my Scipio, that no one is
superior to you in natural genius, and that you are very far superior
to every one in the practical experience of national government and of
important business. We are also acquainted with the course which your
studies have at all times taken; and if, as you say, you have given so
much attention to this science and art of politics, we cannot be too
much obliged to Laelius for introducing the subject: for I trust that
what we shall hear from you will be far more useful and available than
all the writings put together which the Greeks have written for us.
Then Scipio replied: You are raising a very high expectation of my
discourse, such as is a most oppressive burden to a man who is required
to discuss grave subjects.
And Philus said: Although that may be a difficulty, my Scipio, still
you will be sure to conquer it, as you always do; nor is there any
danger of eloquence failing you, when you begin to speak on the affairs
of a commonwealth.
XXIV. Then Scipio proceeded: I will do what you wish, as far as I can;
and I shall enter into the discussion under favor of that rule which, I
think, should be adopted by all persons in disputations of this kind,
if they wish to avoid being misunderstood; namely, that when men have
agreed respecting the proper name of the matter under discussion, it
should be stated what that name exactly means, and what it legitimately
includes. And when that point is settled, then it is fit to enter on
the discussion; for it will never be possible to arrive at an
understanding of what the character of the subject of the discussion
is, unless one first understands exactly what it is. Since, then, our
investigations relate to a commonwealth, we must first examine what
this name properly signifies.
And when Laelius had intimated his approbation of this course, Scipio
continued:
I shall not adopt, said he, in so clear and simple a manner that system
of discussion which goes back to first principles; as learned men often
do in this sort of discussion, so as to go back to the first meeting of
male and female, and then to the first birth and formation of the first
family, and define over and over again what there is in words, and in
how many manners each thing is stated. For, as I am speaking to men of
prudence, who have acted with the greatest glory in the Commonwealth,
both in peace and war, I will take care not to allow the subject of the
discussion itself to be clearer than my explanation of it. Nor have I
undertaken this task with the design of examining all its minuter
points, like a school-master; nor will I promise you in the following
discourse not to omit any single particular.
Then Laelius said: For my part, I am impatient for exactly that kind of
disquisition which you promise us.
XXV. Well, then, said Africanus, a commonwealth is a constitution of
the entire people. But the people is not every association of men,
however congregated, but the association of the entire number, bound
together by the compact of justice, and the communication of utility.
The first cause of this association is not so much the weakness of man
as a certain spirit of congregation which naturally belongs to him. For
the human race is not a race of isolated individuals, wandering and
solitary; but it is so constituted that even in the affluence of all
things [and without any need of reciprocal assistance, it spontaneously
seeks society].
XXVI. [It is necessary to presuppose] these original seeds, as it were,
since we cannot discover any primary establishment of the other
virtues, or even of a commonwealth itself. These unions, then, formed
by the principle which I have mentioned, established their headquarters
originally in certain central positions, for the convenience of the
whole population; and having fortified them by natural and artificial
means, they called this collection of houses a city or town,
distinguished by temples and public squares. Every people, therefore,
which consists of such an association of the entire multitude as I have
described, every city which consists of an assemblage of the people,
and every commonwealth which embraces every member of these
associations, must be regulated by a certain authority, in order to be
permanent.
This intelligent authority should always refer itself to that grand
first principle which established the Commonwealth. It must be
deposited in the hands of one supreme person, or intrusted to the
administration of certain delegated rulers, or undertaken by the whole
multitude. When the direction of all depends on one person, we call
this individual a king, and this form of political constitution a
kingdom. When it is in the power of privileged delegates, the State is
said to be ruled by an aristocracy; and when the people are all in all,
they call it a democracy, or popular constitution. And if the tie of
social affection, which originally united men in political associations
for the sake of public interest, maintains its force, each of these
forms of government is, I will not say perfect, nor, in my opinion,
essentially good, but tolerable, and such that one may accidentally be
better than another: either a just and wise king, or a selection of the
most eminent citizens, or even the populace itself (though this is the
least commendable form), may, if there be no interference of crime and
cupidity, form a constitution sufficiently secure.
XXVII. But in a monarchy the other members of the State are often too