Critias
and gave judgment against offenders. The most important of their laws
related to their dealings with one another. They were not to take up
arms against one another, and were to come to the rescue if any of their
brethren were attacked. They were to deliberate in common about war, and
the king was not to have the power of life and death over his kinsmen,
unless he had the assent of the majority.
For many generations, as tradition tells, the people of Atlantis were
obedient to the laws and to the gods, and practised gentleness and
wisdom in their intercourse with one another. They knew that they could
only have the true use of riches by not caring about them. But gradually
the divine portion of their souls became diluted with too much of the
mortal admixture, and they began to degenerate, though to the outward
eye they appeared glorious as ever at the very time when they were
filled with all iniquity. The all-seeing Zeus, wanting to punish them,
held a council of the gods, and when he had called them together, he
spoke as follows:--
No one knew better than Plato how to invent 'a noble lie.' Observe (1)
the innocent declaration of Socrates, that the truth of the story is
a great advantage: (2) the manner in which traditional names and
indications of geography are intermingled ('Why, here be truths!'): (3)
the extreme minuteness with which the numbers are given, as in the
Old Epic poetry: (4) the ingenious reason assigned for the Greek names
occurring in the Egyptian tale: (5) the remark that the armed statue
of Athena indicated the common warrior life of men and women: (6) the
particularity with which the third deluge before that of Deucalion is
affirmed to have been the great destruction: (7) the happy guess that
great geological changes have been effected by water: (8) the indulgence
of the prejudice against sailing beyond the Columns, and the popular
belief of the shallowness of the ocean in that part: (9) the confession
that the depth of the ditch in the Island of Atlantis was not to be
believed, and 'yet he could only repeat what he had heard', compared
with the statement made in an earlier passage that Poseidon, being a
God, found no difficulty in contriving the water-supply of the centre
island: (10) the mention of the old rivalry of Poseidon and Athene, and
the creation of the first inhabitants out of the soil. Plato here, as
elsewhere, ingeniously gives the impression that he is telling the truth
which mythology had corrupted.
The world, like a child, has readily, and for the most part
unhesitatingly, accepted the tale of the Island of Atlantis. In modern
times we hardly seek for traces of the submerged continent; but even
Mr. Grote is inclined to believe in the Egyptian poem of Solon of which
there is no evidence in antiquity; while others, like Martin, discuss
the Egyptian origin of the legend, or like M. de Humboldt, whom
he quotes, are disposed to find in it a vestige of a widely-spread
tradition. Others, adopting a different vein of reflection, regard the
Island of Atlantis as the anticipation of a still greater island--the
Continent of America. 'The tale,' says M. Martin, 'rests upon the
authority of the Egyptian priests; and the Egyptian priests took a
pleasure in deceiving the Greeks.' He never appears to suspect that
there is a greater deceiver or magician than the Egyptian priests, that
is to say, Plato himself, from the dominion of whose genius the critic
and natural philosopher of modern times are not wholly emancipated.
Although worthless in respect of any result which can be attained by
them, discussions like those of M. Martin (Timee) have an interest of
their own, and may be compared to the similar discussions regarding the
Lost Tribes (2 Esdras), as showing how the chance word of some poet
or philosopher has given birth to endless religious or historical
enquiries. (See Introduction to the Timaeus.)
In contrasting the small Greek city numbering about twenty thousand
inhabitants with the barbaric greatness of the island of Atlantis, Plato
probably intended to show that a state, such as the ideal Athens, was
invincible, though matched against any number of opponents (cp. Rep.).
Even in a great empire there might be a degree of virtue and justice,
such as the Greeks believed to have existed under the sway of the first
Persian kings. But all such empires were liable to degenerate, and soon
incurred the anger of the gods. Their Oriental wealth, and splendour of
gold and silver, and variety of colours, seemed also to be at variance
with the simplicity of Greek notions. In the island of Atlantis, Plato
is describing a sort of Babylonian or Egyptian city, to which he opposes
the frugal life of the true Hellenic citizen. It is remarkable that in
his brief sketch of them, he idealizes the husbandmen 'who are lovers
of honour and true husbandmen,' as well as the warriors who are his
sole concern in the Republic; and that though he speaks of the common
pursuits of men and women, he says nothing of the community of wives and
children.
It is singular that Plato should have prefixed the most detested of
Athenian names to this dialogue, and even more singular that he should
have put into the mouth of Socrates a panegyric on him (Tim.). Yet we
know that his character was accounted infamous by Xenophon, and that
the mere acquaintance with him was made a subject of accusation against
Socrates. We can only infer that in this, and perhaps in some other
cases, Plato's characters have no reference to the actual facts. The
desire to do honour to his own family, and the connection with Solon,
may have suggested the introduction of his name. Why the Critias was
never completed, whether from accident, or from advancing age, or from a
sense of the artistic difficulty of the design, cannot be determined.
CRITIAS.
PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Critias, Hermocrates, Timaeus, Socrates.
TIMAEUS: How thankful I am, Socrates, that I have arrived at last, and,
like a weary traveller after a long journey, may be at rest! And I pray
the being who always was of old, and has now been by me revealed, to
grant that my words may endure in so far as they have been spoken truly
and acceptably to him; but if unintentionally I have said anything
wrong, I pray that he will impose upon me a just retribution, and
the just retribution of him who errs is that he should be set right.
Wishing, then, to speak truly in future concerning the generation of
the gods, I pray him to give me knowledge, which of all medicines is the
most perfect and best. And now having offered my prayer I deliver up the
argument to Critias, who is to speak next according to our agreement.
(Tim.)
CRITIAS: And I, Timaeus, accept the trust, and as you at first said
that you were going to speak of high matters, and begged that some
forbearance might be shown to you, I too ask the same or greater
forbearance for what I am about to say. And although I very well know
that my request may appear to be somewhat ambitious and discourteous, I
must make it nevertheless. For will any man of sense deny that you
have spoken well? I can only attempt to show that I ought to have more
indulgence than you, because my theme is more difficult; and I shall
argue that to seem to speak well of the gods to men is far easier than
to speak well of men to men: for the inexperience and utter ignorance
of his hearers about any subject is a great assistance to him who has to
speak of it, and we know how ignorant we are concerning the gods. But I
should like to make my meaning clearer, if you will follow me. All that
is said by any of us can only be imitation and representation. For if
we consider the likenesses which painters make of bodies divine and
heavenly, and the different degrees of gratification with which the eye
of the spectator receives them, we shall see that we are satisfied
with the artist who is able in any degree to imitate the earth and its
mountains, and the rivers, and the woods, and the universe, and the
things that are and move therein, and further, that knowing nothing
precise about such matters, we do not examine or analyze the painting;
all that is required is a sort of indistinct and deceptive mode of
shadowing them forth. But when a person endeavours to paint the human
form we are quick at finding out defects, and our familiar knowledge
makes us severe judges of any one who does not render every point of
similarity. And we may observe the same thing to happen in discourse;
we are satisfied with a picture of divine and heavenly things which has
very little likeness to them; but we are more precise in our criticism
of mortal and human things. Wherefore if at the moment of speaking I
cannot suitably express my meaning, you must excuse me, considering that
to form approved likenesses of human things is the reverse of easy. This
is what I want to suggest to you, and at the same time to beg, Socrates,
that I may have not less, but more indulgence conceded to me in what I
am about to say. Which favour, if I am right in asking, I hope that you
will be ready to grant.
SOCRATES: Certainly, Critias, we will grant your request, and we will
grant the same by anticipation to Hermocrates, as well as to you and
Timaeus; for I have no doubt that when his turn comes a little while
hence, he will make the same request which you have made. In order,
then, that he may provide himself with a fresh beginning, and not be
compelled to say the same things over again, let him understand that the
indulgence is already extended by anticipation to him. And now, friend
Critias, I will announce to you the judgment of the theatre. They are of
opinion that the last performer was wonderfully successful, and that you
will need a great deal of indulgence before you will be able to take his
place.
HERMOCRATES: The warning, Socrates, which you have addressed to him, I
must also take to myself. But remember, Critias, that faint heart never
yet raised a trophy; and therefore you must go and attack the argument
like a man. First invoke Apollo and the Muses, and then let us hear you
sound the praises and show forth the virtues of your ancient citizens.
CRITIAS: Friend Hermocrates, you, who are stationed last and have
another in front of you, have not lost heart as yet; the gravity of
the situation will soon be revealed to you; meanwhile I accept your
exhortations and encouragements. But besides the gods and goddesses
whom you have mentioned, I would specially invoke Mnemosyne; for all the
important part of my discourse is dependent on her favour, and if I can
recollect and recite enough of what was said by the priests and brought
hither by Solon, I doubt not that I shall satisfy the requirements of
this theatre. And now, making no more excuses, I will proceed.
Let me begin by observing first of all, that nine thousand was the sum
of years which had elapsed since the war which was said to have taken
place between those who dwelt outside the pillars of Heracles and
all who dwelt within them; this war I am going to describe. Of the
combatants on the one side, the city of Athens was reported to have been
the leader and to have fought out the war; the combatants on the other
side were commanded by the kings of Atlantis, which, as I was saying,
was an island greater in extent than Libya and Asia, and when afterwards
sunk by an earthquake, became an impassable barrier of mud to voyagers
sailing from hence to any part of the ocean. The progress of the history
will unfold the various nations of barbarians and families of Hellenes
which then existed, as they successively appear on the scene; but I must
describe first of all the Athenians of that day, and their enemies who
fought with them, and then the respective powers and governments of the