My own story
disestablishment of the Church of Wales, and other reforms. Woman
suffrage was not directly promised, but Mr. Asquith pledged that, if
retained in office, he would introduce an electoral reform bill which
could be amended to include woman suffrage. The Unionists under the
leadership of Mr. Balfour, had tariff reform for their programme, and
they offered not even a vague promise of a possible suffrage measure.
Yet we, as usual, went into the constituencies and opposed the Liberal
Party. We had no faith in Mr. Asquith's pledge, and besides, if we had
failed to oppose the party in power we should but have invited Mr.
Asquith and Mr. Balfour to enter into an agreement not to deal with the
suffrage, with the view of keeping the cause permanently outside
practical politics. We were in something of the same position as the
Irish Nationalists in 1885, when neither the Liberal nor the
Conservative leaders would include home rule in their programme. The
Irish opposed the Liberal Party, with the result that it was returned by
such a narrow majority that the Liberal Government was dependent on the
Irish vote in Parliament in order to remain in office. On this account
they were obliged to bring in a Home Rule Bill.
The other suffrage societies and many of the Liberal women begged us not
to oppose the Liberal party at this election. We were implored to waive
our claim "just this once" in view of the importance of the struggle
between the Commons and the House of Lords over the budget. We replied
that the same plea had been made in 1906 when we were implored to waive
our claim "just this once" on account of the fiscal issue. For women
there was only one political issue, we said, and that was the issue of
their own enfranchisement. The dispute between the Lords and the Commons
was far less vital than the claims of the people--represented in this
case by women--to be admitted to citizenship. From our point of view
both Houses of Parliament were unrepresentative until women had a voice
in choosing legislators and influencing law making.
We opposed Liberal candidates in forty constituencies, and in almost
every one of these the Liberal majorities were reduced and no less than
eighteen seats were wrested from the Liberal candidates. It really was a
terrible election for the Government. Mr. Asquith travelled from one
constituency to another accompanied by a body guard of detectives, and
official "chuckers out," whose sole duty was to eject women, and men as
well, who interrupted his meetings on the question of Votes for Women.
The halls where he spoke had the windows boarded up or the glass covered
with strong wire netting. Every thoroughfare leading to the halls was
barricaded, traffic was suspended, and large forces of police were on
guard. The most extraordinary precautions were taken to protect the
Prime Minister. At one place he went to his meeting strongly guarded and
by way of a secret pathway that led through gooseberry bushes and a
cabbage patch to a back door. After the meeting he escaped through the
same door and was solemnly guided along a path heavily laid with sawdust
to deaden his footsteps, to a concealed motor car, where he sat until
the crowd had all dispersed.
The other ministers had to resort to similar precautions. They lived
under the constant protection of body-guards. Their meetings were
policed in a manner without precedent. Of course no women were admitted
to their meetings, but they got in just the same. Two women hid for
twenty-five hours in the rafters of a hall in Louth where Mr.
Lloyd-George spoke. They were arrested, but not until after they had
made their demonstration. Two others hid under a platform for twenty-two
hours in order to question the Prime Minister. I could continue this
record almost indefinitely.
We had printed a wonderful poster showing the process of forcible
feeding, and we used it on hoardings everywhere. We told the electors
that the "Liberal Party," the people's friend, had imprisoned 450 women
for the crime of asking for a vote. They were torturing women at that
time in Holloway. It was splendid ammunition and it told. The Liberal
Party was returned to power, but with their majority over all sections
of the House of Commons swept away. The Asquith Government were
dependent now for their very existence on the votes of the Labour Party
and the Irish Nationalists.
CHAPTER VII
The first months of 1910 were occupied by the re-elected Government in a
struggle to keep control of affairs. A coalition with the Irish party,
the leaders of which agreed, if the Home Rule bill were advanced, to
stand by the budget. No publicly announced coalition with the Labour
Party was made at that time, Keir Hardie, at the annual conference of
the party, announcing that they would continue to be independent of the
Government. This was important to us because it meant that the Labour
Party, instead of entering into an agreement to give general support to
all Government measures, would be free to oppose the Government in the
event of the continued withholding of a franchise bill. Other things
combined to make us hopeful that the tide had turned in our favour. It
was hinted to us that the Government were weary of our opposition and
were ready to end the struggle in the only possible way, providing they
could do so without appearing to yield to coercion. We therefore, early
in February, declared a truce to all militancy.
Parliament met on February 15th and the King's speech was read on
February 21st. No mention of women's suffrage was made in the speech nor
was any private member successful in winning a place in the ballot for a
suffrage bill. However, since the situation, on account of the proposed
abolition of the Lord's power of veto, was strained and abnormal, we
decided to wait patiently for a while. It was confidently expected that
another general election would have to be held before the contentions
between the two Houses of Parliament were settled, and this event
unquestionably would have occurred, not later than June, but for the
unexpected death of King Edward VII. This interrupted the strained
situation. The passing of the King served as an occasion for the
temporary softening of animosities and produced a general disposition to
compromise on all troubled issues. The question of women's
enfranchisement was taken up again in this spirit, and in a manner
altogether creditable to the members with whom the movement originated.
A strictly non-party committee on women's suffrage had been established
in the House of Commons in 1887, mainly through the efforts of Miss
Lydia Becker, whom I have mentioned before as the Susan B. Anthony of
the English suffrage movement. In 1906, for reasons not necessary to
enumerate, the original committee had been allowed to lapse, the Liberal
supporters of women's suffrage forming a committee of their own. Now, in
this period of good feeling, at the suggestion of certain members, led
by Mr. H. N. Brailsford, not himself a member of Parliament, formed
another non-party body which they called the Conciliation Committee. Its
object was declared to be the bringing together of the full strength of
suffragists of the House of Commons, regardless of party affiliation,
and of framing a suffrage measure that could be passed by their united
effort. The Earl of Lytton accepted the chairmanship of the committee
and Mr. Brailsford was made its secretary. The committee consisted of
twenty-five Liberals, seventeen Conservatives, six Irish Nationalists,
and six members of the Labour Party. Under difficulties which I can
hardly hope to make clear to American readers the committee laboured to
frame a bill which should win the support of all sections of the House.
The Conservatives insisted on a moderate bill, whilst the Liberals were
concerned lest the terms of the bill should add to the power of the
propertied classes. The original suffrage bill, drafted by my husband.
Dr. Pankhurst, giving the vote to women on equal terms with men, was
abandoned, and a bill was drawn up along the lines of the existing
municipal franchise law. The basis of the municipal franchise is
occupation, and the Conciliation Bill, as first drafted, proposed to
extend the Parliamentary vote to women householders, and to women
occupiers of business premises paying ten pounds rental and upwards. It
was estimated that about ninety-five per cent. of the women who would be
enfranchised under the bill were householders. This, in England, does
not mean a person occupying a whole house. Any one who inhabits even a
single room over which he or she exercises full control is a
householder.
The text of the Conciliation Bill was submitted to all the suffrage
societies and other women's organisations, and it was accepted by every
one of them. Our official newspaper said editorially: "We of the Women's
Social and Political Union are prepared to share in this united and
peaceful action. The new bill does not give us all that we want, but we
are for it if others are also for it."
It seemed certain that an overwhelming majority of the House of Commons
were for the bill, and were prepared to vote it into law. Although we
knew that it could not possibly pass unless the Government agreed that
it should, we hoped that the leaders of all parties and the majority of
their followers would unite in an agreement that the bill should pass.
This settlement by consent is rare in the English Parliament, but some
extremely important and hard fought measures have been carried thus. The
extension of the franchise in 1867 is a case in point.
The Conciliation Bill was introduced into the House of Commons on June
14th, 1910, by Mr. D. J. Shackleton, and was received with the most
extraordinary enthusiasm. The newspapers remarked on the feeling of
reality which marked the attitude of the House towards the bill. It was
plain that the members realised that here was no academic question upon
which they were merely to debate and to register their opinions, but a
measure which was intended to be carried through all its stages and to
be written into English law. The enthusiasm of the House swept all over
the Kingdom. The medical profession sent in a memorial in its favour,
signed by more than three hundred of the most distinguished men and
women in the profession. Memorials from writers, clergymen, social
workers, artists, actors, musicians, were also sent. The Women's Liberal
Federation met and unanimously resolved to ask the Prime Minister to
give full facilities to the bill. Some advanced spirits in the
Federation actually proposed to send then and there a deputation to the
House of Commons with the resolution, but this proposal was rejected as
savouring too much of militancy. A request for an interview was sent to
Mr. Asquith, and he replied promising to receive, at an early day,
representatives of both the Liberal Women's Federation and of the
National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies.
The joint deputation was received by Mr. Asquith on June 21st, and Lady
M'Laren, as a representative of the Women's Liberal Federation, spoke
very directly to her party's leader. She said in part: "If you refuse
our request we shall have to go to the country and say you, who are
against the veto of the House of Lords, are placing a veto on the House
of Commons by refusing to allow a second reading of this bill."
Mr. Asquith replied warily that he could not decide alone on such a
serious matter, but would have to consult his Cabinet, the majority of
whom, he admitted, were suffragists. Their decision, he said, would be
given in the House of Commons.
The Women's Social and Political Union arranged a demonstration in