Politics: A Treatise on Government
end: for it is a community of families and villages for the sake of a
perfect independent life; that is, as we have already said, for the sake
of living well and happily. It is not therefore founded for the purpose
of men's merely [1281a] living together, but for their living as men
ought; for which reason those who contribute most to this end deserve to
have greater power in the city than those who are their equals in family
and freedom, but their inferiors in civil virtue, or those who excel
them in wealth but are below them in worth. It is evident from what
has been said, that in all disputes upon government each party says
something that is just.
CHAPTER X
It may also be a doubt where the supreme power ought to be lodged.
Shall it be with the majority, or the wealthy, with a number of proper
persons, or one better than the rest, or with a tyrant? But whichever
of these we prefer some difficulty will arise. For what? shall the
poor have it because they are the majority? they may then divide among
themselves, what belongs to the rich: nor is this unjust; because truly
it has been so judged by the supreme power. But what avails it to point
out what is the height of injustice if this is not? Again, if the many
seize into their own hands everything which belongs to the few, it is
evident that the city will be at an end. But virtue will never destroy
what is virtuous; nor can what is right be the ruin of the state:
therefore such a law can never be right, nor can the acts of a tyrant
ever be wrong, for of necessity they must all be just; for he, from his
unlimited power, compels every one to obey his command, as the multitude
oppress the rich. Is it right then that the rich, the few, should have
the supreme power? and what if they be guilty of the same rapine and
plunder the possessions of the majority, that will be as right as the
other: but that all things of this sort are wrong and unjust is evident.
Well then, these of the better sort shall have it: but must not then all
the other citizens live unhonoured, without sharing the offices of the
city; for the offices of a city are its honours, and if one set of men
are always in power, it is evident that the rest must be without honour.
Well then, let it be with one person of all others the fittest for it:
but by this means the power will be still more contracted, and a greater
number than before continue unhonoured. But some one may say, that it is
wrong to let man have the supreme power and not the law, as his soul is
subject to so many passions. But if this law appoints an aristocracy, or
a democracy, how will it help us in our present doubts? for those things
will happen which we have already mentioned.
CHAPTER XI
Other particulars we will consider separately; but it seems proper to
prove, that the supreme power ought to be lodged with the many, rather
than with those of the better sort, who are few; and also to explain
what doubts (and probably just ones) may arise: now, though not one
individual of the many may himself be fit for the supreme power, yet
when these many are joined together, it does not follow but they may be
better qualified for it than those; and this not separately, but as a
collective body; as the public suppers exceed those which are given at
one person's private expense: for, as they are many, each person brings
in his share of virtue and wisdom; and thus, coming together, they are
like one man made up of a multitude, with many feet, many hands,
and many intelligences: thus is it with respect to the manners and
understandings of the multitude taken together; for which reason the
public are the best judges of music and poetry; for some understand
one part, some another, and all collectively the whole; and in this
particular men of consequence differ from each of the many; as they
say those who are beautiful do from those who are not so, and as fine
pictures excel any natural objects, by collecting the several beautiful
parts which were dispersed among different originals into one, although
the separate parts, as the eye or any other, might be handsomer than in
the picture.
But if this distinction is to be made between every people and every
general assembly, and some few men of consequence, it may be doubtful
whether it is true; nay, it is clear enough that, with respect to a few,
it is not; since the same conclusion might be applied even to brutes:
and indeed wherein do some men differ from brutes? Not but that nothing
prevents what I have said being true of the people in some states. The
doubt then which we have lately proposed, with all its consequences, may
be settled in this manner; it is necessary that the freemen who compose
the bulk of the people should have absolute power in some things; but as
they are neither men of property, nor act uniformly upon principles
of virtue, it is not safe to trust them with the first offices in the
state, both on account of their iniquity and their ignorance; from
the one of which they will do what is wrong, from the other they will
mistake: and yet it is dangerous to allow them no power or share in the
government; for when there are many poor people who are incapable of
acquiring the honours of their country, the state must necessarily have
many enemies in it; let them then be permitted to vote in the public
assemblies and to determine causes; for which reason Socrates, and some
other legislators, gave them the power of electing the officers of the
state, and also of inquiring into their conduct when they came out of
office, and only prevented their being magistrates by themselves;
for the multitude when they are collected together have all of them
sufficient understanding for these purposes, and, mixing among those of
higher rank, are serviceable to the city, as some things, which alone
are improper for food, when mixed with others make the whole more
wholesome than a few of them would be.
But there is a difficulty attending this form of government, for it
seems, that the person who himself was capable of curing any one who
was then sick, must be the best judge whom to employ as a physician; but
such a one must be himself a physician; and the same holds true in every
other practice and art: and as a physician ought [1282a] to give an
account of his practice to a physician, so ought it to be in other arts:
those whose business is physic may be divided into three sorts, the
first of these is he who makes up the medicines; the second prescribes,
and is to the other as the architect is to the mason; the third is he
who understands the science, but never practises it: now these three
distinctions may be found in those who understand all other arts; nor
have we less opinion of their judgment who are only instructed in the
principles of the art than of those who practise it: and with respect
to elections the same method of proceeding seems right; for to elect a
proper person in any science is the business of those who are skilful
therein; as in geometry, of geometricians; in steering, of steersmen:
but if some individuals should know something of particular arts and
works, they do not know more than the professors of them: so that even
upon this principle neither the election of magistrates, nor the censure
of their conduct, should be entrusted to the many.
But probably all that has been here said may not be right; for, to
resume the argument I lately used, if the people are not very brutal
indeed, although we allow that each individual knows less of these
affairs than those who have given particular attention to them, yet when
they come together they will know them better, or at least not worse;
besides, in some particular arts it is not the workman only who is the
best judge; namely, in those the works of which are understood by those
who do not profess them: thus he who builds a house is not the only
judge of it, for the master of the family who inhabits it is a better;
thus also a steersman is a better judge of a tiller than he who made
it; and he who gives an entertainment than the cook. What has been said
seems a sufficient solution of this difficulty; but there is another
that follows: for it seems absurd that the power of the state should be
lodged with those who are but of indifferent morals, instead of those
who are of excellent characters. Now the power of election and censure
are of the utmost consequence, and this, as has been said, in some
states they entrust to the people; for the general assembly is the
supreme court of all, and they have a voice in this, and deliberate in
all public affairs, and try all causes, without any objection to the
meanness of their circumstances, and at any age: but their treasurers,
generals, and other great officers of state are taken from men of great
fortune and worth. This difficulty also may be solved upon the same
principle; and here too they may be right, for the power is not in the
man who is member of the assembly, or council, but the assembly itself,
and the council, and the people, of which each individual of the whole
community are the parts, I mean as senator, adviser, or judge; for which
reason it is very right, that the many should have the greatest powers
in their own hands; for the people, the council, and the judges are
composed of them, and the property of all these collectively is more
than the property of any person or a few who fill the great offices of
the state: and thus I determine these points.
The first question that we stated shows plainly, that the supreme
power should be lodged in laws duly made and that the magistrate or
magistrates, either one or more, should be authorised to determine those
cases which the laws cannot particularly speak to, as it is impossible
for them, in general language, to explain themselves upon everything
that may arise: but what these laws are which are established upon the
best foundations has not been yet explained, but still remains a matter
of some question: but the laws of every state will necessarily be like
every state, either trifling or excellent, just or unjust; for it is
evident, that the laws must be framed correspondent to the constitution
of the government; and, if so, it is plain, that a well-formed
government will have good laws, a bad one, bad ones.
CHAPTER XII
Since in every art and science the end aimed at is always good, so
particularly in this, which is the most excellent of all, the founding
of civil society, the good wherein aimed at is justice; for it is this
which is for the benefit of all. Now, it is the common opinion, that
justice is a certain equality; and in this point all the philosophers
are agreed when they treat of morals: for they say what is just, and to
whom; and that equals ought to receive equal: but we should know how
we are to determine what things are equal and what unequal; and in
this there is some difficulty, which calls for the philosophy of the
politician. Some persons will probably say, that the employments of the
state ought to be given according to every particular excellence of each
citizen, if there is no other difference between them and the rest of
the community, but they are in every respect else alike: for justice
attributes different things to persons differing from each other in
their character, according to their respective merits. But if this is
admitted to be true, complexion, or height, or any such advantage will
be a claim for a greater share of the public rights. But that this is
evidently absurd is clear from other arts and sciences; for with respect
to musicians who play on the flute together, the best flute is not given
to him who is of the best family, for he will play never the better for
that, but the best instrument ought to be given to him who is the best
artist.