Politics: A Treatise on Government
to it, for it will have the advantage of both; by both I mean properties
being common, and divided also; for in some respects it ought to be in
a manner common, but upon the whole private: for every man's attention
being employed on his own particular concerns, will prevent mutual
complaints against each other; nay, by this means industry will be
increased, as each person will labour to improve his own private
property; and it will then be, that from a principle of virtue they will
mutually perform good offices to each other, according to the proverb,
"All things are common amongst friends;" and in some cities there are
traces of this custom to be seen, so that it is not impracticable, and
particularly in those which are best governed; some things are by this
means in a manner common, and others might be so; for there, every
person enjoying his own private property, some things he assists his
friend with, others are considered as in common; as in Lacedaemon, where
they use each other's slaves, as if they were, so to speak, their own,
as they do their horses and dogs, or even any provision they may want in
a journey.
It is evident then that it is best to have property private, but to make
the use of it common; but how the citizens are to be brought to it is
the particular [1263b] business of the legislator. And also with respect
to pleasure, it is unspeakable how advantageous it is, that a man should
think he has something which he may call his own; for it is by no means
to no purpose, that each person should have an affection for himself,
for that is natural, and yet to be a self-lover is justly censured; for
we mean by that, not one that simply loves himself, but one that loves
himself more than he ought; in like manner we blame a money-lover,
and yet both money and self is what all men love. Besides, it is very
pleasing to us to oblige and assist our friends and companions, as well
as those whom we are connected with by the rights of hospitality; and
this cannot be done without the establishment of private property, which
cannot take place with those who make a city too much one; besides, they
prevent every opportunity of exercising two principal virtues, modesty
and liberality. Modesty with respect to the female sex, for this virtue
requires you to abstain from her who is another's; liberality, which
depends upon private property, for without that no one can appear
liberal, or do any generous action; for liberality consists in imparting
to others what is our own.
This system of polity does indeed recommend itself by its good
appearance and specious pretences to humanity; and when first proposed
to any one, must give him great pleasure, as he will conclude it to be
a wonderful bond of friendship, connecting all to all; particularly
when any one censures the evils which are now to be found in society,
as arising from properties not being common, I mean the disputes which
happen between man and man, upon their different contracts with each
other; those judgments which are passed in court in consequence of
fraud, and perjury, and flattering the rich, none of which arise from
properties being private, but from the vices of mankind. Besides,
those who live in one general community, and have all things in common,
oftener dispute with each other than those who have their property
separate; from the very small number indeed of those who have their
property in common, compared with those where it is appropriated,
the instances of their quarrels are but few. It is also but right to
mention, not only the inconveniences they are preserved from who live in
a communion of goods, but also the advantages they are deprived of; for
when the whole comes to be considered, this manner of life will be found
impracticable.
We must suppose, then, that Socrates's mistake arose from the principle
he set out with being false; we admit, indeed, that both a family and a
city ought to be one in some particulars, but not entirely; for there
is a point beyond which if a city proceeds in reducing itself to one, it
will be no longer a city.
There is also another point at which it will still continue to be a
city, but it will approach so near to not being one, that it will be
worse than none; as if any one should reduce the voices of those who
sing in concert to one, or a verse to a foot. But the people ought to
be made one, and a community, as I have already said, by education;
as property at Lacedaemon, and their public tables at Crete, were made
common by their legislators. But yet, whosoever shall introduce any
education, and think thereby to make his city excellent and respectable,
will be absurd, while he expects to form it by such regulations, and not
by manners, philosophy, and laws. And whoever [1264a] would establish
a government upon a community of goods, ought to know that he should
consult the experience of many years, which would plainly enough inform
him whether such a scheme is useful; for almost all things have already
been found out, but some have been neglected, and others which have been
known have not been put in practice. But this would be most evident, if
any one could see such a government really established: for it would be
impossible to frame such a city without dividing and separating it into
its distinct parts, as public tables, wards, and tribes; so that here
the laws will do nothing more than forbid the military to engage
in agriculture, which is what the Lacedaemonians are at present
endeavouring to do.
Nor has Socrates told us (nor is it easy to say) what plan of government
should be pursued with respect to the individuals in the state where
there is a community of goods established; for though the majority
of his citizens will in general consist of a multitude of persons of
different occupations, of those he has determined nothing; whether the
property of the husbandman ought to be in common, or whether each person
should have his share to himself; and also, whether their wives and
children ought to be in common: for if all things are to be alike common
to all, where will be the difference between them and the military, or
what would they get by submitting to their government? and upon what
principles would they do it, unless they should establish the wise
practice of the Cretans? for they, allowing everything else to their
slaves, forbid them only gymnastic exercises and the use of arms. And if
they are not, but these should be in the same situation with respect to
their property which they are in other cities, what sort of a community
will there be? in one city there must of necessity be two, and those
contrary to each other; for he makes the military the guardians of the
state, and the husbandman, artisans, and others, citizens; and all those
quarrels, accusations, and things of the like sort, which he says are
the bane of other cities, will be found in his also: notwithstanding
Socrates says they will not want many laws in consequence of their
education, but such only as may be necessary for regulating the streets,
the markets, and the like, while at the same time it is the education of
the military only that he has taken any care of. Besides, he makes the
husbandmen masters of property upon paying a tribute; but this would
be likely to make them far more troublesome and high-spirited than the
Helots, the Penestise, or the slaves which others employ; nor has he
ever determined whether it is necessary to give any attention to them
in these particulars, nor thought of what is connected therewith,
their polity, their education, their laws; besides, it is of no little
consequence, nor is it easy to determine, how these should be framed so
as to preserve the community of the military.
Besides, if he makes the wives common, while the property [1264b]
continues separate, who shall manage the domestic concerns with the same
care which the man bestows upon his fields? nor will the inconvenience
be remedied by making property as well as wives common; and it is absurd
to draw a comparison from the brute creation, and say, that the same
principle should regulate the connection of a man and a woman which
regulates theirs amongst whom there is no family association.
It is also very hazardous to settle the magistracy as Socrates has
done; for he would have persons of the same rank always in office, which
becomes the cause of sedition even amongst those who are of no account,
but more particularly amongst those who are of a courageous and warlike
disposition; it is indeed evidently necessary that he should frame his
community in this manner; for that golden particle which God has mixed
up in the soul of man flies not from one to the other, but always
continues with the same; for he says, that some of our species have
gold, and others silver, blended in their composition from the moment of
their birth: but those who are to be husbandmen and artists, brass and
iron; besides, though he deprives the military of happiness, he says,
that the legislator ought to make all the citizens happy; but it
is impossible that the whole city can be happy, without all, or the
greater, or some part of it be happy. For happiness is not like
that numerical equality which arises from certain numbers when added
together, although neither of them may separately contain it; for
happiness cannot be thus added together, but must exist in every
individual, as some properties belong to every integral; and if the
military are not happy, who else are so? for the artisans are not, nor
the multitude of those who are employed in inferior offices. The state
which Socrates has described has all these defects, and others which are
not of less consequence.
CHAPTER VI
It is also nearly the same in the treatise upon Laws which was writ
afterwards, for which reason it will be proper in this place to consider
briefly what he has there said upon government, for Socrates has
thoroughly settled but very few parts of it; as for instance, in what
manner the community of wives and children ought to be regulated, how
property should be established, and government conducted.
Now he divides the inhabitants into two parts, husbandmen and soldiers,
and from these he select a third part who are to be senators and govern
the city; but he has not said whether or no the husbandman and artificer
shall have any or what share in the government, or whether they shall
have arms, and join with the others in war, or not. He thinks also
that the women ought to go to war, and have the same education as the
soldiers; as to other particulars, he has filled his treatise with
matter foreign to the purpose; and with respect to education, he has
only said what that of the guards ought to be.
[1265a] As to his book of Laws, laws are the principal thing which that
contains, for he has there said but little concerning government; and
this government, which he was so desirous of framing in such a manner as
to impart to its members a more entire community of goods than is to be
found in other cities, he almost brings round again to be the same
as that other government which he had first proposed; for except the
community of wives and goods, he has framed both his governments alike,
for the education of the citizens is to be the same in both; they are in
both to live without any servile employ, and their common tables are to
be the same, excepting that in that he says the women should have common
tables, and that there should be a thousand men-at-arms, in this, that
there should be five thousand.
All the discourses of Socrates are masterly, noble, new, and
inquisitive; but that they are all true it may probably be too much
to say. For now with respect to the number just spoken of, it must be